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AbstractMarshaling an array of travelogues from British adventurers who visited the Russian-Ottoman-Persian borderlands during the first half of the 19th century, it is clear that the Armenian Question arose in the British consciousness earlier than previously thought. Influenced by their origins and the political circumstances of the countries through which they journeyed, British travelers highlighted in their narratives the political status of the Armenians and the trends affecting them throughout the borderlands. Ethnoreligious and socioeconomic strife between Armenians and other various groups remained a persistent theme that linked the disparate accounts and authors. Frequently overlooking core religious, cultural, political, and social factors and identities that distinguished the Turks, Persians, and Kurds, British travelers issued essentialized explanations for Armenian struggles that highlighted their status as a religious minority surrounded by ostensibly hostile majorities. Well before the outbreak of the Crimean War, British adventurers contextualized Armenian misery within the British-Russian geopolitical rivalry. Thus, early British adventurers established the cultural and political groundwork for the more famous discussions of the Armenian Question during the last decades of the 1800s.

The article presents the constructive role of the Kurdish diaspora organisations (from 1978 to 2002) and their progress from exclusive nationalism to successively accommodating what has been called "post-national thinking. On the basis of Michael Keating and John McGarry's research, the author analyses how transnational integration and other challenges to the nationstate both encourage the revival of stateless nationalisms and simultaneously provide new means for its realization. The Kurdish diaspora organisations shown in this study represent a global-wide processes of change in the nature and form of political organisations that question the principles of centralised state supremacy and permanence of bonds between territories and people. The author demonstrates the transition in the policy of those organizations, which withdrew from the projects of complete Kurdish independence and instead included human right principles and cultural and political pluralism as important frames of reference for their strategies, activities, and relations. The author also presents the changes in the Middle East, including Turkey and Iraq, in relation to the Kurds and their political engagement.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

The article presents the constructive role of the Kurdish diaspora organisations (from 1978 to 2002) and their progress from exclusive nationalism to successively accommodating what has been called "post-national thinking. On the basis of Michael Keating and John McGarry's research, the author analyses how transnational integration and other challenges to the nationstate both encourage the revival of stateless nationalisms and simultaneously provide new means for its realization. The Kurdish diaspora organisations shown in this study represent a global-wide processes of change in the nature and form of political organisations that question the principles of centralised state supremacy and permanence of bonds between territories and people. The author demonstrates the transition in the policy of those organizations, which withdrew from the projects of complete Kurdish independence and instead included human right principles and cultural and political pluralism as important frames of reference for their strategies, activities, and relations. The author also presents the changes in the Middle East, including Turkey and Iraq, in relation to the Kurds and their political engagement.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

This article, which draws on the case of 10 young socialists from the urban margins of Istanbul, who were arrested as the result of an anti-terror operation in 2007, provides an ethnographically grounded analysis of Turkey's anti-terror law by examining the threat it poses for the population. Contrary to widespread complaints about a supposed state of lawlessness in Turkey, the article suggests that law, indeed, exists as an overwhelming and ever-present force in the lives of country's alleged internal enemies (i.e. Kurds, socialists, Alevis, non-Muslims), hanging over their lives like the sword of Damocles. Drawing on Walter Benjamin's debate on the similarities between law and myth, the article demonstrates that the ambiguity, illegibility and unpredictability of Turkey's anti-terror law bestows upon the law a mythical and/or sovereign force that controls one's present and future, and hence one's fate. The article also argues that the anti-terror operations that started to take place in the urban margins against Kurdish activists and socialist Alevi youth as early as 2007 were harbingers of a growing lawfare in Turkey, which gradually shifted to the center over the course of years.

Human rights are one of the most important issues in Contemporary International Low, that there is a great sensitiveness for the implementation of them. In many countries, some institutes & committees have been considered to follow up the issue or even a ministry as the ministry of human rights has been established. The present paper was discussed the human rights violations in Iraq on Saddam Hussein`s behalf, the current ruler and so, followed the response of the question that "how had been the situation of human rights during the governorship of Saddam Hussein in Iraq?". The research method was descriptive-analytic. The method of collection is documentary & library information and the methods of analyzing information are describing, analyzing, and also using documents. The results of this study showed that some human rights violation cases have been seen in the government of Saddam Hussein in Iraq such as the pillage of state, forced displacement of Feyli Kurds from Iraq & the killing of them, killing women and children, abduction of women and children, the involvement of people in different wars, lack of social participation of women, economic sanctions, the use of chemical weapons.

The first direct presidential election in Turkey is remarkable because of the thin margin with which Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was elected against the expectations of a massive support. It marks beginning of a new era in Turkish politics indicating widespread discontentment and fear regarding the policies of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). On the other hand, the ruling party has retained its support among conservatives, business, and middle classes, especially in Anatolia region. However, the rise of new political forces in the 2015 general elections that failed to give a clear majority to any group should force the AKP to rethink over its policies, particularly the rising concern of authoritarian behavior and appropriation of power. Further, concerns over crackdown of media and dissent and growing instances of violation of human rights may lead to a backlash from the electorate. The AKP government has also come in from criticism for its handling of the Syrian crisis and its action against Syrian Kurds may turn the fragile peace achieved with its own Kurdish population.

This paper centres on the ethnic relations in Finland and Turkey, approaching the Black Sea region from a larger geographical and cultural perspective. I will examine how the governments of these two multicultural societies maintain good relations with their linguistic and cultural minorities. Through this paper I point out how close cultural relations with the Sami people maintain the peace in Finland. Peace in this area is implemented through culture and education. I will describe how Finland is involved in the implementation of educational programmes for the Sami and how it aims at acquainting the Finnish majority with various aspects of Sami cultural traditions. Moreover, the dialogue between these two cultures plays an important role in eliminating the prejudice that has stirred up conflicts for so many decades. Since the problem of the Kurdish people in Turkey is not only a problem within the borders, but also an international problem, in this paper I look at the ways in which the aspirations of the Kurds in Turkey have an impact on cross-border minority aspirations as well. Therefore, Turkey is expected to embrace a liberal legal approach and should put emphasis on the liberalization of minority politics.

The Ottoman Empire was the most religiously diverse empire in Europe and Asia. Macedonia, the southernmost Balkan regions and Asia Minor, which formed historically and in the minds of late Ottoman elites the territorial core of the empire, housed large groups of Christians and a significant number of Jews; there was no clear Muslim majority. Struck by an existential crisis beginning in the late 18th century, the Ottoman state undertook reforms, declared the equality of its subjects, willingly maintained its diversity and even institutionalised the cultural and religious autonomies which it had given its Christian and Jewish communities. When the Ottoman state failed to defend its territory and sovereignty, the Young Turk Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), the revolutionary rulers who gained power in a coup, finally decided on a program of national homogenization in Asia Minor which it carried out in 1914-1918. The CUP classified the Ottoman populations and dealt with them through resettlement, dispersion, expulsion and destruction – depending on the populations' assimilability into a Turko-Muslim nation in the Anatolian core. It judged the Muslims, in particular the Kurds, assimilable, but the Christian groups non-assimilable.

Résumé Cet article entend observer et disséquer le quotidien singulier des groupes armés, en analysant ce qu'il induit sur la prise et la tenue des rôles combattants. En prenant pour cas pratique à la fois les commandos de l'armée turque et les guérilleros du PKK, il s'agit de distinguer les logiques qui relèvent plus spécifiquement d'une institution singulière de celles qui sont le fait des dynamiques conflictuelles et violentes propres au conflit kurde de Turquie. Nous soutenons que c'est l'intériorisation de la discipline au quotidien, dans la continuité de la socialisation primaire dispensée dans les institutions scolaires ou au contraire en rupture avec elle, qui, dans un contexte de guerre favorisant la remise de soi et l'assujettissement, permet la production et la tenue des rôles combattants. Notre raisonnement, qui suit une gradation de la socialisation la plus formelle à la plus informelle, s'articule en trois temps : la formation préalable et continue des combattants d'abord, l'influence du contexte guerrier sur l'incorporation quotidienne des règles et normes institutionnelles ensuite, la constante reproduction informelle de la différenciation culturelle et de la figure de l'ennemi enfin.

This paper examines the sphere of tribal relations in Kurdish Sufism. These relations solve a problem of selection of spiritual leaders, recognition of their authority and perception of religious idea. The author analyses the properties eminent brotherhoods of the 19th century as Qadiriyya and Naqshbandiyya that had popularity among the Kurds. Kurdish tariqas had a political value too. The official power evaluated these brotherhoods were with a kind of trouble because of their independence from official government Islamic institutions. Their religious practice was found very obscure. For all these reasons they inclined to riot. ; Статья посвящена курдскому суфизму, уделяя особое внимание сфере родо-племенных отношений, наиболее хорошо раскрывающих проблему выбора духовных лидеров, признания их авторитета и восприятия религиозной идеи. В статье представлены особенности таких популярных у курдов суфийских братств XIX в., как кадирия и накшбандия. Курдские тарикаты в XIX в. имели еще и политическое значение. Такие братства оценивались с некоторым беспокойством со стороны властей, поскольку они были независимы от официальных мусульманских институтов государства, необычны в своей практике, и по этим причинам склонны к мятежу.

This paper aims at observing and dissecting the unusual daily life of armed groups, through the analysis of its impact on the taking and holding of fighting roles. By choosing both the commandos of the Turkish army and the PKK guerillas as practical cases, the aim is to distinguish between logics that fall more specifically within an specific fighting institution and logics that involve violent and conflictual dynamics characteristic of the Turkey-Kurd conflict. We argue that the internalization of discipline on a daily basis, in the continuity of primary socialization provided in educational institutions or otherwise out with her, which, in the context of war favoring the delivery of self and the subjection, allowing the production and the holding of fighters roles. Our argument starts with the most formal socialization and ends with the most informal, and is divided into three parts: first, the preliminary and continuous training of fighters, secondly the influence of warfare context on the daily incorporation of institutional rules and standards, and lastly the constant informal reproduction of cultural differentiation and of the figure of the enemy. Adapted from the source document.