Suchergebnisse

Rozdział prezentuje teoretyczna analizę relacji zachodzącej między prawem a kontrolą społeczną przedstawiając w jaki sposób prawo jako narzędzie kontroli społecznej określa nastawienia wobec prawa.

"The author intends to present legal socialization - the concept of the sociology of law - which describes attitudes to norms, law and law enforcement institutions. For law to be effective, any individual in a given community needs to internalize a number of values and attitudes. The attitude to law will influence its application; its effectiveness will depend on the perspective adopted by the legal norm addressees who could either accept binding regulations or ignore them. An adequate legal policy helps construe legal norms in a manner to prevent costs of interventions which need to be taken when law is not convergent with social expectations." (author's abstract)

Traditionally, the quality of law is associated with observing certain principles of law making, the so-called principles of good legislation. Such a way of thinking, however, seems to be an over-simplification. Thus, the author indicates that the high-quality of legislation and the principles of good legislation are not the same. Law passed on the basis of good legislation procedures does not automatically result in the high-quality law, in particular, if one makes an assumption that the quality of law depends, above all, on legal certainty being ensured. The reflections presented here express an opinion on the immediate connection between the quality of law and the theory of law. In this perspective, thoughts on the quality of law resulted in an opinion how firmly the process of improvement in law quality is associated with the development of the theory of law. As regards the studies on the quality of law as a measure of legal certainty, three issues are pointed out in the material: 1. the quality of law from the point of view of its formation in reference to certain general social phenomena, 2. the quality of law relating to a person, 3. the quality of law in judicial activities.

The institution of self-defence comprises both provisions of the General Part (art. 36 and 37:self defence and imaginary self defence) and the Special Part (art. 118 and 124: intentional killing,causing grievous bodily harm as a result of exceeding the borders of self defence or using excessivemeasures necessary to catch the perpetrator) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.There are diverse opinions in Ukrainian jurisprudence concerning the problem of how selfdefenceand other circumstances eliminate the illegality of a forbidden act. The aim of this paper isto present the main attitudes to these problems. The approach considering self-defence in the lightof legality is the most popular view. There is also an approach according to which one distinguishesthe prerequisites for self-defence and the elements of such self-defence taking into account elementssuch as: the subject – the aim – the objective side – the subjective control. The socially harmfulattack which justifies the use of self-defence should be analysed using both of these approaches.The features of a legitimate self-defence are: the subject – a private person; the aim – to causeinjuries to the attacker (the direct aim) in order to repel or stop the attack (the indirect aim) in orderto defend legally protected rights and interests of a person, interests of the society or the state (thefinal aim); the object – the attacker, his rights and interests; the objective side – actions casually connectedwith the causing of harm to the attacker, commensurable with the harmfulness of the attackand the state of the defence; subjective control – proper realisation by the subject of the prerequisitesand features of the defence and the will to cause commensurable harm to the attacker.Two types of exceeding the borders of self-defence are distinguished in the paper: exceedingthe borders of acceptable harm and exceeding the borders of adequate harm. Criminal responsibilityfor exceeding the borders of self-defence arises only in cases clearly provided for in art. 118 and 124of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. The sanctions in these articles are much more lenient than in thecase of corresponding offences not committed while exceeding of the borders of self-defence (art.115, 119 and 121 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine). ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The purpose of the article is to analyse the role of the public prosecutor's office as an institution that is specifically embedded in between certain elements of the political system, particularly between the executive and judiciary powers. For this reason, the public prosecutor's office can be regarded, together with courts, as an institution that aims to be actively involved in administering justice and an instrument of the executive power to guarantee internal security and to execute internal functions of the state. The public prosecutor's office, given its specific operation area, is expected to prosecute crimes effectively as well as safeguard the rule of law, which may be threatened by the infringing actions of not only individuals and criminal groups but also of officials and state institutions. Hence, with respect to the accountability of the public prosecutor's office, it should be more independent of the executive power which is subject to political rules. It appears, however, that separating it officially from the executive power does not have to lead automatically to the public prosecutor's office independence of political influence when other direct (the Prime Minister's and the Minister of Justice's authority over the Attorney General) and indirect mechanisms of prosecutors' political dependency (clientelism, politicisation and political bonds of prosecutors with politicians) exist.

The fact that various myths influence the shape of law and the mythologization of some of its aspects is indisputable. In most cases, this process of "mythologization" is perceived pejoratively, leading to the establishment of groundless, irrational ideas and at the same time the rejection of "science" in favor of "fiction". This article aims to propose a different approach to both the concept of myth and the mythologization of law, by referring to the classical, ancient understanding of the concept of mythos as a fable, story. Ancient Greek myth performed a function similar to the law, establishing some basic rules in society. Stressing its "narrative" side indicates that what matters is not so much a description of reality, but a process that emphasizes the relational nature of the community. Thus, relating the myth, just like reading the norm of law, is an interpretation of the event in the light of applicable principles and systems of values, while being also a continuous process of shaping social awareness. Interpreting the law as a story means that those who create and use it lose the luxury of simply remaining the "mouth that pronounces the words of the law" as Montesquieu stated, since they are supposed to care not only for its implementation, but also for the quality and conviction of citizens as to its validity. The proposed form of reading the law as a myth-fable, political myth therefore is a search for a plot, understood as a possibility to act, to respond to the needs and problems of the changing world as well as the development of "the political" politics and education of citizens. ; Fakt wpływu rozmaitych mitów na kształt prawa oraz mitologizacja pewnych jego założeń są niepodważalne. W większości wypadków ten proces "mitologizacji" postrzegany jest pejoratywnie – jako prowadzący do ugruntowania bezpodstawnych, irracjonalnych wyobrażeń i zarazem do odrzucenia "nauki" na rzecz "fikcji". Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaproponowanie odmiennego podejścia zarówno do samego pojęcia mitu, jak i do mitologizacji prawa poprzez odwołanie się do klasycznego, antycznego rozumienia pojęcia mythos jako fabuły, opowieści. Starogrecki mit pełnił funkcję zbliżoną do prawa, ustanawiał bowiem pewne podstawowe reguły obowiązujące w społeczeństwie. Zaakcentowanie jego strony "fabularnej" wskazuje zaś, że istotny jest nie tyle opis rzeczywistości, ile proces podkreślający relacyjny charakter wspólnoty. Tym samym opowiadanie mitu, podobnie jak odczytywanie normy prawa, stanowi interpretację zdarzenia w świetle obowiązujących zasad i systemów wartości, jest również ciągłym procesem kształtowania społecznej świadomości. Ujęcie prawa jako opowieści powoduje, że ci, którzy je tworzą i stosują, tracą luksus prostego pozostania monteskiuszowskimi "ustami ustawy", ponieważ mają się troszczyć nie tylko o jego wykonywanie, lecz także o jakość oraz przekonanie obywateli co do jego słuszności. Proponowana forma odczytania prawa jako mitu-opowieści, mitu politycznego polega zatem na poszukiwaniu fabuły, czyli możliwości działania umożliwiającego reagowanie na potrzeby i problemy zmieniającego się świata oraz na rozwój polityczności i edukację obywateli.

The article analyzes the process of displacing law and its values from political thinking. There are many indications that law and its values are not a point of reference for contemporary politics, which results from the ongoing process of democratization. The coherence of virtues, law and politics, variously approached and variable over time, lasted in European culture for more than a thousand years. The Greek models have been adopted and consolidated by the Romans and Medieval thinkers. The breakthrough is brought by Machiavelli's writings, which radically changed the view of politics, free will, power. The nature of the state ceases to mean providing citizens with a happy life, and it begins to concern security. As a result, law becomes a tool to protect this security effectively. ; Artykuł jest analizą procesu wyparcia prawa i jego wartości z myślenia politycznego. Wiele wskazuje na to, że dla współczesnej polityki prawo i jego wartości nie stanowią punktu odniesienia, za co odpowiada trwający proces demokratyzacji. Koherencja cnót, prawa i polityki, różnie ujmowanych i zmiennych w czasie, trwała w europejskiej kulturze przez ponad tysiąc lat. Greckie wzorce zostały przejęte i ugruntowane przez Rzymian i myślicieli średniowiecznych. Przełomem stało się dopiero pisarstwo Machiavellego, który radykalnie odmienił spojrzenie na politykę, wolną wolę, władzę. Istota państwa przestaje sprowadzać się do zapewnienia obywatelom szczęśliwego życia, a zaczyna dotyczyć bezpieczeństwa. Co za tym idzie prawo staje się narzędziem służącym do tego, by owo bezpieczeństwo skutecznie zabezpieczyć.