Suchergebnisse

El TJUE ha ido desarrollando una relevante jurisprudencia sobre el principio general de igualdad de trato, centrada principal, aunque no exclusivamente, en alguna de sus manifestaciones específicas, como la edad, y que se ha caracterizado por ofrecer una interpretación amplia y generosa de dicho principio, reforzando su alcance y contenido normativo. Esta doctrina jurisprudencial ha desempeñado un papel impulsor de la acción de la Unión en aquellos ámbitos competenciales donde habitualmente opera el principio de igualdad de trato, como la política social y la política de empleo. Ahora bien, esta tutela judicial de la igualdad de trato se funda en una jerarquía de motivos discriminatorios que tiene su origen en una opción del legislador de la Unión y que se proyecta tanto en el distinto alcance material de las discriminaciones prohibidas como en los diferentes niveles de justificación de las diferencias de trato admisibles. ; The ECJ has developed significant case-law on the general principle of equal treatment, this being chiefly focused, although not exclusively, on some of its particular aspects, such as age. The said case-law is characterized for its wide and generous interpretation of the aforementioned principle, having reinforced its regulatory scope and content. This case-law has given impetus to EU's action in those competence scopes where the principle of equal treatment applies, such as in social and employment policies. However, the legal protection of equal treatment is founded on a hierarchy of discrimination grounds reliant on a choice made by EU's lawmaker, which is reflected at both the various material scopes of prohibited discriminations and the various levels of justification of those differences in treatment which are admissible. ; El presente trabajo se encuadra dentro del Proyecto de investigación financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación «La 'política mediterránea' de la UE en perspectiva: el Proceso de Barcelona, la Unión para el Mediterráneo y los intereses españoles», Código DER2009-14238-C02-01.

El TJUE ha desarrollado una rica jurisprudencia en torno a la edad como causa de discriminación prohibida, si bien con una exclusiva proyección en el ámbito de las relaciones laborales, pues hasta ahora es el único ámbito donde el Consejo ha ejercido la competencia prevista en el art. 19 TFUE en relación con esta causa de discriminación. Tal y como se articula en la Directiva 2000/78, la edad es merecedora de un nivel intermedio de protección, sobre todo en comparación con otras discriminaciones prohibidas por el Derecho de la Unión, como el sexo o la nacionalidad. Ello se debe a la propia redacción de la Directiva 2000/78, que establece un marco general mínimo para luchar contra la discriminación por razón de edad, circunscrito al ámbito del empleo y la ocupación. No obstante, el TJUE aporta importantes precisiones respecto al alcance y la articulación de las causas de justificación de una diferencia de trato basada en la edad, tal y como se establecen en dicha Directiva, así como respecto a ciertos efectos jurídicos de la no discriminación por razón de la edad, especialmente en las relaciones entre particulares. En este sentido, el TJUE ha afirmado la aplicación supletoria e incluso independiente del principio general del Derecho que prohíbe la discriminación por razón de la edad, también en las relaciones horizontales, siempre que la situación litigiosa se englobe dentro del ámbito de aplicación del Derecho de la Unión. La jurisprudencia Mangold/Kücükdeveci confirma con certeza que la Directiva 2000/78 no ha establecido un principio general de no discriminación por razón de la edad, sino que esta norma está destinada a facilitar la aplicación concreta de este principio general del Derecho en el ámbito del empleo y la ocupación, pero sin alterar el contenido ni el alcance jurídico del mismo. Ahora bien, en el Asunto Kücükdeveci el TJUE ha revisado el fundamento de este principio general del Derecho al entender que, a partir de su positivación en el art. 21 de la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales, es ésta la sede desde la que dicho principio despliega sus posibilidades y los límites de su eficacia. Este razonamiento ha sido utilizado por el TJUE para afirmar que otras manifestaciones específicas del principio de no discriminación, como la orientación sexual, también se benefician del estatus de principio general del Derecho de la Unión. ; The ECJ has developed a significant amount of case law on age as a prohibited ground of discrimination, this case law having been so far exclusively reflected in the labour relations field. This is the only field where the Council has exercised the competence set forth in art. 19 of TFEU on this ground of discrimination. Under Directive 2000/78, age is granted an intermediate level of legal protection, especially when compared to other prohibited grounds of discrimination under EU Law, such as sex or nationality. This results from the drafting of Directive 2000/78 itself, which establishes a minimal general framework to fight discrimination on the ground of age, one exclusive to the employment and occupation fields. However, the ECJ provides significant specifications as to the scope and wording of the pleas for unequal treatment on the ground of age, as established in the said Directive. Likewise, the ECJ, details the particular legal effects of non-discrimination on the grounds of age, especially on relations between individuals. In this sense, the ECJ confirms the supplementary, even independent, application of the legal general principle prohibiting discrimination on grounds of age to horizontal relations, provided that the dispute is framed within the EU Law scope of application. The Mangold/Kücükdeveci case law confirms that Directive 2000/78 does not establish a general principle of non-discrimination on grounds of age, but it facilitates the application of this legal General Principle of EU Law to the labour field, without altering the principle's legal content or scope. Yet, in the Kücükdeveci case, the ECJ has reviewed the basis of this General Principle of EU Law, enshrined in Article 21 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, upon considering the latter the legal framework within which the principle becomes effective. This has been the reasoning provided by the ECJ so as to hold that other specific manifestations of the principle of non-discrimination, as for instance sexual orientation, are granted the status of General Principles of EU Law as well.

More often than not, the State did not acknowledge the matrimonial norms as settled by the Church. This relation seems to have altered towards the end of the 19th century, when the State succeeded in imposing on the Church the respect for the general civil framework. Yet, the change was not radical. The Church and the State were still pretty connected. The State acknowledged the Church's right to be in charge with officiating marriages, with bed and home separation according to the requirements of each confession. However, the State had the right to supervise the civil and military status, the relationship between the spouses, legacy, legal guardianship, the issue of supporting children and spouses and many others. The Church admitted the involvement of the State in major demographic issues in an individual's life.
As time went by, the State became more and more complex while its legislation became ever more "lay". It is true that willy-nilly lay legislation borrowed norms and regulations belonging to Church's legislation. The frail State – Church dualism on family law was influenced by lay laws enforcing the lay legitimacy of important moments in man's life. Matrimonial laws as set out in 1894 were the most complex laws in the 19th century. Due to their clarity, they managed to put an end to misunderstandings between lay and Church authorities. Moreover, the matrimonial issues between different confessions were in favour of the State. Civil law very clearly favoured family and children's interests. They were all conceived to better supervise individual's education in a moral family where the Church would still have an influence.

Ombudsman, unlike the court, cannot make binding decisions, but usually public authorities follow its recommendations, otherwise he may bring the case to the attention of politicians and the public by informing Parliament. The link between the two fundamental European institutions, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Ombudsman, may be defined as a strong direct link between the problems of EU citizens. Requests to each institution represent an interest of each petitioner, which is intended to be solved by matching laws with moral rules and general principles of law.

The article surveys the various stances taken in interwar Romania towards the contemporary international - particularly French - trends of legal and political theory meant at counteracting the shortcomings manifested by the legislative patterns of Napoleonic provenance when confronted with the exigencies of expanding associational life and the need of growing state intervention in the sphere of the relations between economic factors. The crisscrossing visions of federalist syndicalism and, respectively, juridical socialism - exposed most conspicuously by the legal philosophers Léon Duguit and Emmanuel Lévy - are shown to receive various evaluations in the local milieu, from the part of authors connected with the leading journal of the Romanian Social Institute and otherwise (and always by reference to the predicament of social reform in the national space). It is highlighted that the impact of the ideas involved in the debate was broader and more diffuse than one could assume when taking into consideration only the outspoken - and partly obsolete - objectives and premises of the argumentations in question.

En este trabajo se examinan algunas cuestiones en torno al proceso de «constitucionalización» del Derecho comunitario. En primer término se abordan los problemas nominales que han acompañado al Tratado de Lisboa y a su precursora, la malograda «Constitución europea». En segundo lugar, se abunda en la denominada «tesis del no demos», que parece haber sido la vencedora, al menos a nivel del discurso teórico, tras la firma del Tratado de Lisboa. En la última parte del trabajo, se afronta de modo sucinto, la cuestión de la ciudadanía europea en relación con este proceso de constitucionalización. En general, la tesis central del trabajo puede ser resumida del siguiente modo: la Unión Europea no se puede subsumir ni explicar bajo los conceptos que se han empleado tradicionalmente para el Estado Nación. ; This paper examines some issues connected to the process of «constitutionalization» of European Community law. First, the denomination problems that have accompanied the Treaty of Lisbon and its predecessor, the ill-fated «European Constitution», are addressed. Second, the socalled «no demos thesis» is analyzed. This thesis seems to have been successful, at least at the level of theoretical discourse, following the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon. In the last part of the work, the question of European citizenship in relation to the constitutional process is addressed. In general, the central thesis of the work can be summarized as follows: the European Union cannot be subsumed or explained under the concepts used traditionally to refer to the Nation State.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them.

Divorce, common-law marriage and illegitimacy (irrespective of its forms) were, no matter the society typology as the phenomenon is approached, forms of social deviation that entailed the dilution of the family image and norms. We do not discuss here about a dilution of the traditional norms concerning family, as someone might misunderstand, it was an erosion of the idea of family in general. The "family" could acquire different forms as compared to the "official" one. Paradoxically, all these were not only the result of personal emancipation, when the youth broke from the traditional norms, which were strongly influenced by religious norms and values, and would have got involved in "dangerous and shameful relationships". The peasant "forgot" to marry his woman not out of emancipation. The theory of personal emancipation leading to the erosion of the idea of family through the dilution of traditional norms, which was valid from the urban perspective (here, due to the affirmation of modernity, the alterity of religious norms led to such relationships), was not supported in the peasant countryside.
The Church fought all these. In fact, the bishopric sent guidelines to priests to take steps against common-law marriages very often. Despite priests' endeavours, the results were not considerable. Few priests could boast (after the first recommendation) in their subsequent parish report to have significantly contributed to diminishing the number of common-law marriages in their parish. The Church faced another issue brought about by its long debate with the State to control the act of marriage. The marriage laws set out in 1894 were the most complex laws regulating the political-religious relations in the matrimonial field in the second half of the 19th century. Due to their clarity, they managed to put an end to the conflicts between the lay and church authorities. Moreover, the debate concerning matrimonial issues for different confessions ended, too, in favour of the State. The State managed to impose its authority in the matrimonial field. The Church was thus compelled to accept the increased competence of the State by introducing the civil documents. All these caused mutations that triggered very different behaviours. Nevertheless, the Church kept imposing religious marriage, divorce and re-marriage for all its parishioners. In such a situation, by analysing the evolution of common-law marriages from the perspective of the Church, we may notice that, on the level of the whole area we focused on, there was a greater easiness in approaching religious marriage after 1895, once the compulsory civil marriage was imposed. The perception of the divorce also changed when the civil matrimonial law was introduced at the end of 1894. Through a last effort, as the Church did not acknowledge lay divorce, they did not grant the right to a second marriage to the individuals. Moreover, from the perspective of the Church, the possible future marriage was considered as a mere common-law marriage, although the State approved of the divorce and the second marriage in which a divorced partner was involved.

Como respuesta al conflicto armado que se ha desarrollado en Libia a lo largo de 2011, la UE ha ejecutado las sanciones decididas por el Consejo de Seguridad que no implican el uso de la fuerza, ha destinado más de 150 millones de euros de ayuda humanitaria a la región, ha puesto en marcha la operación FRONTEX "EPN Hermes Extensión 2011", y ha proyectado una operación militar de apoyo a la asistencia humanitaria, la EUFOR Libia, que nunca se ha desplegado. En una perspectiva más general, las revueltas populares que se han sucedido en varios Estados del sur del Mediterráneo, entre ellos Libia, en el que se ha desembocado en una guerra civil, han certificado el fracaso de la política exterior de la UE en esta región. En efecto, durante la última década la política euromediterránea de la UE ha estado mucho más centrada en la cooperación económica y comercial —sobre todo en el campo energético— y en el control de la inmigración irregular, que en el escrupuloso respeto del ordenamiento internacional y la promoción de la democracia, el Estado de derecho y el respecto de los derechos humanos, así como el desarrollo económico y social de la población de los Estados del sur del Mediterráneo. ; As a response to the armed conflict occurred in Libya during year 2011, the EU has applied those Security Council sanctions not involving the use of force. Likewise, the EU has allocated more than E 150 million to humanitarian assistance in the region having implemented Frontex Operation «EPN Hermes Extension 2011» as well and having designed a military operation in support of humanitarian assistance there —the so-called EUFOR Libya, never deployed before. From a more general perspective, people's uprisings in several Southern Mediterranean States —which in the Libyan case has led to a civil war— have proved the failure of EU's foreign policy in the region. In fact, EU's Euro-Mediterranean Policy in the last decade has been mainly focused on financial and trade cooperation (especially in the energy field) and on irregular migration control, to the detriment of the full respect for International Law, and the promotion of democracy, the rule of Law and the respect for human rights, and the economic and social development of the peoples in Southern Mediterranean States. ; Trabajo elaborado en el marco del proyecto de investigación coordinado, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, "La Política Mediterránea de la Unión Europea en perspectiva: el proceso de Barcelona, la Unión para el Mediterráneo y los intereses españoles" (DER2009-14238-C02-01).

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.