Suchergebnisse

Traditionally, the quality of law is associated with observing certain principles of law making, the so-called principles of good legislation. Such a way of thinking, however, seems to be an over-simplification. Thus, the author indicates that the high-quality of legislation and the principles of good legislation are not the same. Law passed on the basis of good legislation procedures does not automatically result in the high-quality law, in particular, if one makes an assumption that the quality of law depends, above all, on legal certainty being ensured. The reflections presented here express an opinion on the immediate connection between the quality of law and the theory of law. In this perspective, thoughts on the quality of law resulted in an opinion how firmly the process of improvement in law quality is associated with the development of the theory of law. As regards the studies on the quality of law as a measure of legal certainty, three issues are pointed out in the material: 1. the quality of law from the point of view of its formation in reference to certain general social phenomena, 2. the quality of law relating to a person, 3. the quality of law in judicial activities.

The article analyzes the process of displacing law and its values from political thinking. There are many indications that law and its values are not a point of reference for contemporary politics, which results from the ongoing process of democratization. The coherence of virtues, law and politics, variously approached and variable over time, lasted in European culture for more than a thousand years. The Greek models have been adopted and consolidated by the Romans and Medieval thinkers. The breakthrough is brought by Machiavelli's writings, which radically changed the view of politics, free will, power. The nature of the state ceases to mean providing citizens with a happy life, and it begins to concern security. As a result, law becomes a tool to protect this security effectively. ; Artykuł jest analizą procesu wyparcia prawa i jego wartości z myślenia politycznego. Wiele wskazuje na to, że dla współczesnej polityki prawo i jego wartości nie stanowią punktu odniesienia, za co odpowiada trwający proces demokratyzacji. Koherencja cnót, prawa i polityki, różnie ujmowanych i zmiennych w czasie, trwała w europejskiej kulturze przez ponad tysiąc lat. Greckie wzorce zostały przejęte i ugruntowane przez Rzymian i myślicieli średniowiecznych. Przełomem stało się dopiero pisarstwo Machiavellego, który radykalnie odmienił spojrzenie na politykę, wolną wolę, władzę. Istota państwa przestaje sprowadzać się do zapewnienia obywatelom szczęśliwego życia, a zaczyna dotyczyć bezpieczeństwa. Co za tym idzie prawo staje się narzędziem służącym do tego, by owo bezpieczeństwo skutecznie zabezpieczyć.

The article presents the attitude of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro – a key statesman and political writer in the 17th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – toward the principle of necessitas frangit legem. At the beginning, the intellectual sources of his understanding of this principle are discussed. Two groups are referenced: one referring to the Christian legal view on necessitas and the other connected with the question of the reason of state. Then four aspects of Fredro's thought and political activity are analyzed. Firstly, his reference to necessitas treated as the justification of the amendment of the old law. Secondly, various examples of his flexible attitude toward law. All of them express Fredro's opinion on the key role of prudence in the process of applying law. Thirdly, the question of the infringement of law is discussed by referring to his concept of the exception from law and his reaction to Siciński's veto. Fourthly, it is pointed how in the context of the political conflict during the 1660s Fredro adopted a much stricter attitude toward observing the law. In the end, the conclusions state that Fredro's case is a good example of the dilemma of Polish political thought and practice of how to combine effective governance with the respect for constitutional forms. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy stosunku Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry, jednego z kluczowych mężów stanu i pisarzy politycznych siedemnastowiecznej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, do zasady necessitas frangit legem. Na początku omówiono źródła intelektualne kształtujące jego rozumienie tej zasady. Wskazano na dwie grupy: związaną ze spojrzeniem chrześcijańskiej myśli prawniczej na necessitas oraz odnoszącą się do kwestii racji stanu. Analizie poddano cztery aspekty myśli i działalności Fredry. Po pierwsze, wskazano na odwołanie do necessitas jako uzasadnienia zmiany starego prawa. Po drugie, przedstawiono różne przykłady elastycznego podejścia do prawa, wyrażające opinię Fredry o kluczowej roli roztropności w procesie stosowania prawa. Po trzecie, omówiono problem naruszenia prawa, odnosząc go do Fredrowskiej koncepcji wyjątku od prawa oraz do jego reakcji na weto Sicińskiego. Po czwarte, wskazano, jak Fredro – w kontekście konfliktu politycznego lat 60. XVII w. – przyjął znacznie bardziej sztywne stanowisko wobec przestrzegania prawa. W konkluzjach stwierdzono, że przypadek Fredry stanowi dobry przykład dylematów dotyczących sposobu połączenia skutecznego rządzenia z poszanowaniem form konstytucyjno-ustrojowych, przed jakim stanęła zarówno myśl polityczna, jak i praktyka Rzeczypospolitej.

This book explores the impact of climate change on the legal situation of small island states such as Marshall Islands. Climate change-related problems of these nations touching their legal situation in a very different way than in the case of large countries threatened by economic and social consequences of sea level rise (such as Bangladesh, Vietnam, Nigeria and Egypt). Presentation of scientific forecasts is an introduction to the in-depth deliberations from the point of view of international law. According to many researchers, global sea level rise of 0,5-1 m. is highly possible in the next hundred years. Sea level rise is not the only climate-related threat experienced by small island states. Among other significant problems associated with climate change we can list tropical cyclones, floods, and droughts. Island nations must prepare for such problems on the basis of public international law. The authors draw attention to the most crucial legal challenges associated with sea level rise, such as the deterritorialization of the state, continuity of statehood, the issue of citizenship or the legal status of forced environmental migrants. The authors draw attention to the significant legal challenges (e.g. the legal status of migrants forced to leave their country of origin/residence as a result of irreversible climate change). This issue has still not been regulated by international law documents. Much attention is also being paid to the analysis of the consequences of climate change on the basis of international law of the sea. The core elements of the analysis presented in this book are, inter alia, the impact of sea level rise on Exclusive Economic Zones and fishing rights. The book is focused on the social and legal challenges facing microstates. Presented considerations may become a useful point of reference in the analysis of the problems facing larger countries affected by climate change and sea level rise.

The study is the result of a legal comparative analysis of the directions of reforms in the administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy: Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Croatia, Serbia, Hungary, Ukraine, Georgia and Kazakhstan. The analysis was carried out with reference to the patterns developed in old European democracies, mainly in Austria and Germany. Papers on reforms of the administrative judiciary in each of these countries were delivered at the international scientific conference: Reforms of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy (10–11.06.2021, Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Lodz). They focused on three issues: 1) contemporary challenges of the rule of law and administrative judiciary, 2) directions of changes in the national systems of administrative judiciary, 3) the future of administrative judiciary. The content of the study refers to this system of issues, which reflects the stages of development of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy. The conclusions drawn from the analysis show the results of reforms at each of these stages – from the constitutionalization of the rule of law, through the independence of the court-administrative procedure, to the stage of the present, extremely difficult challenges, not only of a procedural nature. ; Opracowanie stanowi wynik prawnoporównaczej analizy kierunków reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji: Polski, Czech, Litwy, Chorwacji, Serbii, Węgier, Ukrainy, Gruzji i Kazachstanu, w nawiązaniu do wzorów wypracowanych w starych demokracjach europejskich, głównie w Austrii i Niemczech. Wygłoszone na międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej: Reformy sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji (10–11.06.2021r. WPiA UŁ) referaty na temat reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w każdym z tych państw koncentrowały się na trzech zagadnieniach: 1) współczesne wyzwania praworządności a sądownictwo administracyjne, 2) kierunki przemian w krajowych ...

This article seeks to identify and detail the most important determinants that shaped the position of Poland's President in the system of governance during the country's period of transformation extending from 1989 through to 1997. The conditioning presented determined the position of the office of President by reference to four legal instruments, i.e. the new proposal of April 1989, the 1990 Act on universal suffrage in electing the President of the Republic of Poland (Ustawa o powszechnych wyborach prezydenta RP), the so-called "Small Constitution" of 1992, and the (still-binding) 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It is claimed here that this conditioning underpinning the establishment of the post of President within Poland's system of governance, on the basis of these different instruments of law, remained similar (sometimes in fact identical), with the overriding, repeated determinant being the political situation at the given time.

The author's goal is to determine the consequences of implementing treaty solutions concerning public debt to the Polish Constitution and to define the differences between the methodology of counting public debt in the European Community and Polish legal order. The raised issues concern important problems from the substantive and practical point of view, therefore the study's content is important for science and practice. The research methodology was based on the analysis of the EU and Poland's normative solutions, opinions expressed in the international and national literature on the subject, and the case law of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal. The paper applies mostly the dogmatic-analytic and legal-comparative method with reference to available statistical data on Poland's public debt. The study allowed the author to gain an understanding of the significance of fiscal rules implemented at the EU level to ensure stability. Article 216(5) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland indicates that the treaty solutions regarding the reference value (public debt-to-GDP ratio) were reenacted. However, until this day, the EU and Poland's debt measurement methods do not fully correspond. In order to counteract excessive debt incursion, a state is required to take not only efficient actions but also ones that are adequate and, to some extent, flexible. This is an expression of acceptance of the EU's preventive assumptions. However, there is still no full correlation in the methodology of calculating public debt in the EU and the Republic of Poland.

The category of the system of government in Poland requires reference to 'the governance style' of the right, and to the tendency that has appeared in international politics in recent years to call it populist nationalism. The objective of this paper is to show that in the case of Poland after 2015, the thesis of the retreat of democracy has no factual grounds, and it can be countered through the use of evidence. The system of government in Poland after the Law and Justice party came to power cannot be described as a contradiction to democracy. Citizens are not being manipulated and deceived. They are aware of the content of decisions made by the executive branch. The opposition is able to act freely, and it is supported by independent private media. There are many veto points in the political system. The government can count on public support that is stronger than that of the governments from the period before 2015.

The aim of the article is to present state aid instruments used during the COVID- 19 pandemic, as well as to describe general regulations concerning the admissibility of granting state aid, including the provisions of primary and secondary law, the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union. In addition, the article presents of soft law regulations regarding the admissibility of state aid (Temporary framework) and describes Polish aid programs for enterprises affected by the coronavirus pandemic. At the end of the article, reference was made to the types of aid instruments used and the selection of supported sectors. Research has shown a limited use of tax instruments as well as a fairly high concentration among aid granted state aid (central government administration and government agencies). At the same time, the selection of the supported sectors was not a planned economic program. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie instrumentów pomocy państwa wykorzystywanych w trakcie pandemii COVID-19, a także opis ogólnych regulacji dotyczących dopuszczalności udzielania pomocy państwa, w tym zapisów prawa pierwotnego i wtórnego oraz orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej. Dodatkowo w artykule przedstawiono regulacje prawa miękkiego dotyczące dopuszczalności udzielania pomocy państwa (tymczasowe ramy) oraz opisano polskie programy pomocowe dla przedsiębiorstw dotkniętych skutkami pandemii koronawirusa. W końcu artykułu odniesiono się do rodzajów wykorzystywanych instrumentów pomocowych oraz wyboru wspieranych sektorów. Badania wykazały ograniczone wykorzystanie instrumentów podatkowych, a także dosyć dużą koncentrację wśród podmiotów udzielających pomocy (centralna administracja rządowa i agencje rządowe). Wybór sektorów wspieranych nie miał charakteru zaplanowanego programu gospodarczego.

The study is the result of a legal comparative analysis of the directions of reforms in the administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy: Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Croatia, Serbia, Hungary, Ukraine, Georgia and Kazakhstan. The analysis was carried out with reference to the patterns developed in old European democracies, mainly in Austria and Germany. Papers on reforms of the administrative judiciary in each of these countries were delivered at the international scientific conference: Reforms of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy (10–11.06.2021, Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Lodz). They focused on three issues: 1) contemporary challenges of the rule of law and administrative judiciary, 2) directions of changes in the national systems of administrative judiciary, 3) the future of administrative judiciary. The content of the study refers to this system of issues, which reflects the stages of development of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy. The conclusions drawn from the analysis show the results of reforms at each of these stages – from the constitutionalization of the rule of law, through the independence of the court-administrative procedure, to the stage of the present, extremely difficult challenges, not only of a procedural nature. ; Opracowanie stanowi wynik prawnoporównaczej analizy kierunków reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji: Polski, Czech, Litwy, Chorwacji, Serbii, Węgier, Ukrainy, Gruzji i Kazachstanu, w nawiązaniu do wzorów wypracowanych w starych demokracjach europejskich, głównie w Austrii i Niemczech. Wygłoszone na międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej: Reformy sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji (10–11.06.2021 r. WPiA UŁ) referaty na temat reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w każdym z tych państw koncentrowały się na trzech zagadnieniach: 1) współczesne wyzwania praworządności a sądownictwo administracyjne, 2) kierunki przemian w krajowych systemach sądownictwa administracyjnego, 3) przyszłość sądownictwa administracyjnego. Treść opracowania nawiązuje do tego układu zagadnień, który odzwierciedla etapy rozwoju sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji. Płynące z przeprowadzonej analizy wnioski pokazują wyniki reform na każdym z tych etapów – od konstytucjonalizacji zasady praworządności, przez usamodzielnienie się procedury sądowoadministracyjnej, aż po etap obecnych, niezwykle trudnych wyzwań nie tylko procesowej natury.

The purpose of the study was an investigation on a content of the core curriculum in Poland, for kin- dergarten children (aged 3–6) and primary school students (aged 7–18), in reference to educational demands, created by the global ecological crisis. As a source of these demands, IPCC Assessments Reports on Climate Change and UN over-arching strategies for sustainability and environmental education were used, as well as the European Union green policies' package (The European Green Deal). Poland, as a member of the EU and a party of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, is obliged to promote and implement "green" policies, through incorporation of them into national legislation and the state system of education. The analysis revealed in Polish core curriculum lack of content, connected with the global ecological crisis and climate change, as well as with strategies of combating them. This result shows a dramatic content gap in environmental education of Polish students, regardless the fact that ecol- ogy is a fundament of global and European developmental strategies. The responsibility for this situation is beard on decision makers for a state educational policy; in a context of Polish law, this is the Ministry of Education and the Minister for Education himself. ; The purpose of the study was an investigation on a content of the core curriculum in Poland, for kin- dergarten children (aged 3–6) and primary school students (aged 7–18), in reference to educational demands, created by the global ecological crisis. As a source of these demands, IPCC Assessments Reports on Climate Change and UN over-arching strategies for sustainability and environmental education were used, as well as the European Union green policies' package (The European Green Deal). Poland, as a member of the EU and a party of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, is obliged to promote and implement "green" policies, through incorporation of them into national legislation and the state system of education. The analysis revealed in Polish core curriculum lack of content, connected with the global ecological crisis and climate change, as well as with strategies of combating them. This result shows a dramatic content gap in environmental education of Polish students, regardless the fact that ecol- ogy is a fundament of global and European developmental strategies. The responsibility for this situation is beard on decision makers for a state educational policy; in a context of Polish law, this is the Ministry of Education and the Minister for Education himself.

The aim of the study is to underline the importance of regulation – in the context of compliance – as a strategic tool and an element of the new strategic thinking. The concept of compliance is treated as an essential element of the proper functioning of the company. Compliance has to ensure the company's structure, which will also ensure that its operations will not infringe the law. The compliance function allows not only to optimize risk management, but also enables increasing the organizational culture of the company and is a factor that strengthens the competitiveness of the company. Compliance issues are subjected to scientific analysis and consultancy sector offers services with its implementation, as well as certification of the CMS. These phenomena are examined on the example of the market for new technologies and intellectual property rights on the Internet in reference to the achievements of economic analysis of law and the regulatory impact assessment. ; Celem opracowania jest zbadanie znaczenia regulacji – w kontekście compliance – jako narzędzia strategicznego oraz elementu nowego myślenia strategicznego. Koncepcja compliance jest traktowana jako niezbędny element prawidłowego funkcjonowania przedsiębiorstwa. Compliance to zapewnienie takiej struktury przedsiębiorstwa, która sprawi, iż w jego funkcjonowaniu nie będzie dochodziło do nieprawidłowości. Funkcja compliance pozwala nie tylko zoptymalizować zarządzanie ryzykiem, ale również podnosi kulturę organizacyjną przedsiębiorstwa i jest czynnikiem zwiększającym konkurencyjność przedsiębiorstwa. Zagadnienia compliance są poddawane analizie naukowej, a sektor doradztwa oferuje usługi doradcze przy implementacji i certyfikacji CMS. Zjawiska te są poddane badaniu na przykładzie rynku nowych technologii oraz praw własności intelektualnej w internecie, w nawiązaniu do dorobku ekonomicznej analizy prawa i oceny skutków regulacji.

The text presents the view that the vertical division within the executive power, determined by the principle of decentralisation, is legally instrumental in the face of the fundamental horizontal division of power (resulting from the principle of power sharing) and is not independent and separate from the principle of power sharing. It is worth defining the place of local self-government from the perspective of the division of the executive power, and in reference to the principle of power sharing, because of the importance that these arrangements may have for the concept of multi-level governance in the European Union. The system of the bodies and institutions of the European Union is not based on the principle of the separation of powers, but on institutional division and the vertical and horizontal opening of the legal systems of the Member States to the European legal order. At the same time, the above-mentioned multi-level governance is visible in the creation and implementation of European law. The principle of the separation of powers is, however, properly embedded in this multi-level governance at the level of national law, and within this local self-government is located accordingly. ; W tekście prezentowany jest pogląd, że podział pionowy w obrębie samej władzy wykonawczej –determinowany zasadą decentralizacji – jest instrumentalny prawnie wobec zasadniczego podziału władzy poziomego i nie jest to podział niezależny, separowany od zasady podziału władzy. Warto określić miejsce samorządu terytorialnego z perspektywy podziału władzy wykonawczej i w nawiązaniu do zasady podziału władzy z uwagi na znaczenie, jakie mogą mieć te ustalenia dla koncepcji wielopoziomowego rządzenia w Unii Europejskiej. Ustrój organów i instytucji Unii Europejskiej nie opiera się na zasadzie podziału władzy, lecz na podziale instytucjonalnym, a także pionowym i poziomym otwarciu się porządków prawnych państw członkowskich na porządek prawa europejskiego. Jednocześnie w zakresie tworzenia i wykonywania prawa europejskiego jest widoczne wyżej wspomniane wielopoziomowe rządzenie. W tym wielopoziomowym rządzeniu na wysokości prawa krajowego jest jednak odpowiednio wpisana zasada podziału władzy, a w niej odpowiednio jest usytuowany samorząd terytorialny.

Republican virtues and patriotism in the Polish People's RepublicAnalysing the Polish People's Republic with reference to republican and patriot virtues, the country governed by communists appears as a completely artificial formation, based on utopian principles, holding its position thanks to terror, propagan­da and remaining dependent on powerful overlord. Some warped features of republicanism inside the structure controlling the machinę of power interspersed merely with inner system of communist party and the nomenklatura, not raising any hopes that those features could evolve in the direction of the rules of classic republic. Attacking by means of patriotism, which apart from the law should be the main constituent of republicanism, was communists' opportunistic approach to make use of Polish citizens' emotions in order to acheive their goals: the legitimization of commu­nist rule first, then frightening into submission, orienting their job and, finally, pro- viding themselves and maintainingleadership and privileges. Evolution of propagated patriotism in the successive stages of the existance of The Polish People's Republic indicated merely how itwould be used to maintain political status quo. It was changing along with the changing form of communist rule, assuming an adeąuate form to current condition of counter-revolutionary Polish society. That is why patriotism promoted by communists in the years 1944-1989 was similar to their predecessors belonging to Communist Party of Poland and appealing to it in turn played a part of a tool used to exercise power.

Republican virtues and patriotism in the Polish People's RepublicAnalysing the Polish People's Republic with reference to republican and patriot virtues, the country governed by communists appears as a completely artificial formation, based on utopian principles, holding its position thanks to terror, propagan­da and remaining dependent on powerful overlord. Some warped features of republicanism inside the structure controlling the machinę of power interspersed merely with inner system of communist party and the nomenklatura, not raising any hopes that those features could evolve in the direction of the rules of classic republic. Attacking by means of patriotism, which apart from the law should be the main constituent of republicanism, was communists' opportunistic approach to make use of Polish citizens' emotions in order to acheive their goals: the legitimization of commu­nist rule first, then frightening into submission, orienting their job and, finally, pro- viding themselves and maintainingleadership and privileges. Evolution of propagated patriotism in the successive stages of the existance of The Polish People's Republic indicated merely how itwould be used to maintain political status quo. It was changing along with the changing form of communist rule, assuming an adeąuate form to current condition of counter-revolutionary Polish society. That is why patriotism promoted by communists in the years 1944-1989 was similar to their predecessors belonging to Communist Party of Poland and appealing to it in turn played a part of a tool used to exercise power.