Attitudes Toward LGB Families: International Policies and LGB Family Planning
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Attitudes Toward LGB Families: International Policies and LGB Family Planning" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Attitudes Toward LGB Families: International Policies and LGB Family Planning" published on by Oxford University Press.
Exit polls from the 2014 midterm election suggest that 4% of the electorate identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual, representing the highest recorded LGB turnout in a midterm election since 1998. These LGB voters, 75% in fact, overwhelmingly supported Democratic candidates in key congressional races. If LGB people had not voted in the 2014 election, Virginia Senator Mark Warner and Vermont Governor Peter Chumlin would have both been defeated by their Republican challengers. The strong LGBT support for Democratic candidates becomes even more decisive during close races. This research brief considers the impact of the LGBT vote in the 2014 midterm election.
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In: American University School of Public Affairs Research Paper No. 3151151
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Working paper
In: Access Research Knowledge, No 106, 2015
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In: Analyses of social issues and public policy, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 31-33
ISSN: 1530-2415
This commentary on The Fewer The Merrier (TFTM) adopts a lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) lens. Although LGB people commonly construct successful consensual nonmonogamous (CNM) relationships, the focus on opposite‐sex relationships obscured some aspects of U.S. society that are actively resisting the stigmatization of CNM relationships. I call attention to the historic ways that "adultery" has been legally defined in gendered terms, and argue for an analysis of social stigma that engages substantively with qualitative research about how CNM is lived among people of diverse sexualities.
In: Analyses of social issues and public policy, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 31-33
ISSN: 1530-2415
This commentary on The Fewer The Merrier (TFTM) adopts a lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) lens. Although LGB people commonly construct successful consensual nonmonogamous (CNM) relationships, the focus on opposite-sex relationships obscured some aspects of U.S. society that are actively resisting the stigmatization of CNM relationships. I call attention to the historic ways that 'adultery' has been legally defined in gendered terms, and argue for an analysis of social stigma that engages substantively with qualitative research about how CNM is lived among people of diverse sexualities. Adapted from the source document.
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 75, Heft 4, S. 935-949
ISSN: 1938-274X
Marginalized groups frequently adopt a respectability politics strategy, presenting themselves as adhering to dominant norms to gain public support. The LGBTQ movement, for example, has consciously portrayed same-gender relationships as exemplifying heteronormative values to win over straight Americans. But how effective is this strategy? Two survey experiments show that presenting LGB people as adhering to, or violating, norms of monogamy and exclusivity has null to minimal effects on straight respondents' views of them or support for their rights. Furthermore, there is no evidence that the effects are moderated by (1) respondents' political predispositions; or (2) the race, ethnicity, or gender of the LGB people being highlighted. Emphasizing the respectability of same-gender relationships is not as effective as the movement has assumed. More broadly, these results call into question the assumption that highlighting "respectable" members of marginalized groups is an effective way to change public opinion.
In: International journal of refugee law, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 37-57
ISSN: 1464-3715
Abstract
The particular difficulties that lesbian, gay, and bisexual refugees face when applying for asylum are in constant flux. As one issue is removed, another takes its place. This article provides a historical overview of these developments and shows how attempts to include lesbian, gay, and bisexual people and their experiences have transformed shame into an implicit legal requirement in certain countries, in particular, Sweden and the Netherlands. While the implementation of the Difference, Stigma, Shame, and Harm (DSSH) model aimed to promote open-ended conversations about the fluidity of sexual orientation, in the contexts examined in this study, it has arguably led to a set of legal requirements that emphasize suffering and internalized homophobia. Further, the article argues that, as developments in refugee law have centred the procedural focus on the credibility of the applicant and have formulated sexual orientation as a fixed identity, this identity has become a decisive requirement in the bureaucracy of border control. In addition, the understanding of this lesbian, gay, or bisexual refugee identity has, in turn, been influenced by colonial perceptions of homophobia and sexuality.
In: 35 Quinnipiac Law Review 147 (2017)
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In: European political science review: EPSR, S. 1-20
ISSN: 1755-7747
Abstract
Several studies concentrate on the representation of minority groups and the policy goals that members of these groups highlight when becoming candidates for public offices. However, we do not know much about the degree of parliamentary representation of sexual minorities and what ideological profile politicians with an LGB+ identity adopt. We aim at filling this gap by analysing the ideological stances of LGB+ candidates on key policy dimensions. Using data from the 2021 German candidate study, we find that the self-identification as LGB+ contributes significantly to adopting progressive stances on the socio-cultural dimension and more favourable positions on welfare state expansion, regardless of further important factors like party affiliation. Moreover, candidates who consider themselves LGB+ do take on significantly less traditional positions on the socio-cultural dimension compared to the position of their party, indicating that increasing descriptive representation of LGB+ individuals in parliament leads to a strengthening of more progressive voices in parliament and a stronger substantive representation of LGB+ interests.
Blog: The RAND Blog
Data from the 2021 Census of England and Wales show that gay and lesbian adults are more likely to be employed than heterosexual adults—but also that they are more likely to be unemployed than heterosexual adults. What caused this paradox and how can these statistics be better understood to make them more useful for policymakers?
In: Forced migration review, Heft 42, S. 31
ISSN: 1460-9819
Table of Contents: A History of Discrimination Against LGB People ; Military Personnel and the LGB Spectrum ; Police Brutality and LGBT Human Rights Violations ; Workplace Discrimination and the LGB Identity ; Homelessness in LGB Adolescents ; Marriage Equality: The Comprehensive Solution; Closing Remarks.
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In: Politics, Groups, and Identities, Band 8, Heft 3, S. 554-575
ISSN: 2156-5511
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 77, Heft 4, S. 955-967
ISSN: 0022-3816