Series preface -- Preface and acknowledgments -- About the author -- LGBT families -- Marriage -- LGBT parents -- LGBT youth -- Intimate partner violence -- Learning from LGBT families -- References -- Index
Shares in-depth definitions of LGBT+ terms, and offers personal anecdotes from LGBT+ people. - "We live in a post-binary world where gender fluency, awareness and acceptance of how people identify is essential. Ashley Mardell, a trusted voice on YouTube, looks at all things LGBT+. Mardell's book, filled with in-depth definitions and personal anecdotes, is proof it does get better every day in a world where people are empowered by information and understanding. As Mardell says, 'Learning about new identities broadens our understanding of humanity, heightens our empathy, and allows us different, valuable perspectives.' Whether you are a questioning teen, a teacher or parent looking for advice or anyone wanting to learn the language of respect, this book is an essential guide for you"--Page  of cover
Research on LGBT+ politics in Europe grew over the past few decades, paralleling societal changes regarding increased support for LGBT+ people. Competing examples of the two themes that are structured by support of LGBT+ people regarding LGBT+ rights, "progress/advancement" and "backlash/losses," show the growing substantiation of gay rights and tolerance over the past few decades. Political debates regarding LGBT+ rights also have engendered more organized opposition to LGBT+ rights, often in the form of right-wing movements. Studies often are structured around public opinion, policy/legislation, or social movements. Critical theory regarding LGBT+ politics in Europe unpacks the implications of contemporary identity categories and political activities (that structure political science research), and the resulting exclusions especially with regard to gender identity. The following research objectives can help expand the study of LGBT+ politics in Europe: (1) to build from existing historical research regarding the social and legal construction of gender, sexuality, and the regulation of homosexuality, (2) to situate Europe in a global context which shows that European states increased persecution against homosexuality around the world, (3) to carry out more explicitly intersectional studies that show how groups representing multiple identities and institutional contexts can cooperate when facing intersecting sources of marginalization, and (4) to illuminate how sexual violence can stem from political institutions and recognize sexual violence as a central component of gender and sexuality.
Four moments can be identified in the development of LGBT activism in France: the tensions between private actions and acting publicly (1954–1974), the movement as an activist project (1974–1989), the first attempts of institutionalization (1989–1994), and the emergence of a space of LGBT activism (1994–2013). These moments are identified based on the nature of the collective action, the internal structure of the movement, the representativeness of national collectives, and the political plurality of the community of the LGBT movement. They show the nonlinear trajectory of the LGBT movement in France and confirm that the project of an LGBT movement, a structured and representative national organization, has never been fully achieved in the country.Two characteristics of the French political and social system contribute to explain this situation: a strong and inaccessible state that transcends civil society, and the impact of Republicanism. The closure of the French state, which restricts the opportunities available to activists, has had a significant impact on activism. It not only contributes to the individualization of protest, but also leads to a radicalization of activism, a limited duration of groups over time, and a lack of centralization, institutionalization, and NGOization of social movement organizations. This closure partly results from the Republicanist ideology, which requires the state to transcend civil society groups and the particular interests they would defend in favor of so-called general will. If the development of Republican ideas has historically facilitated the development of LGBT rights, Republicanism has more recently prevented LGBT activists from articulating a specific political identity.
Transnational organizing by groups dedicated to promoting the rights of gay men and lesbians is not a particularly new phenomenon, though it remained rare in the postwar era. It was not until the advent of the sexual liberation movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues became more prominent. Moreover, despite their diversity, these transnational groups and networks have been able to speak with an increasingly unified voice and have begun to set out a relatively coherent vision for global LGBT human rights organizing. Over the past two decades, transnational LGBT human rights activists have become increasingly successful in getting their voices heard and demands met within prominent international organizations such as the EU and UN. This success, however, has varied dramatically across organizations. Perhaps not surprisingly given the Western origins and biases of transnational LGBT movements and human rights principles, as well as the greater levels of tolerance towards homosexuality in the region, LGBT rights organizations have had their greatest successes in Europe. Generally speaking, however, there has been a significant expansion of LGBT rights over the past 20 years. Yet despite these dramatic developments, the study of LGBT politics has remained peripheral to most fields within the discipline of politics, though there has been an empirical turn in LGBT research.
While LGBT studies have been problematizing normative categories of sexuality primarily in Western cultures, the status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals in non-Western societies remains understudied. This study examines the political attitudes toward LGBT individuals in Turkish society and explores the experiences of transgender individuals. While Turkey holds a strong economic position among Western countries, the situation of sexual minorities lags behind international standards. This study explores two research questions. First, what is the Turkish government’s outlook for the LGBT community? Secondly, what kind of problems and challenges do trans-individuals experience in Turkey? This study first introduces a macro-level analysis of the politics of gender identity in Turkey by analyzing the debates of four deputies in the Turkish Parliament, each representing their parties’ disparate viewpoints. Secondly, a micro-level analysis of previously collected interviews with twenty-five trans-individuals are also examined that shed light on the difficulties of being a trans-individual in Turkey. The content analysis shows that trans-individuals experience physical, sexual, and emotional violence, in addition to experiencing discrimination in employment, housing, and healthcare. The findings of this micro-level analysis elucidate the continuous discrimination, inequality, and violence that these individuals experience, while the macro-level analysis portrays the state’s discriminatory policies toward LGBT individuals in Turkey.
Research on LGBT politics in Russia is a growing but still relatively small field. The current conditions of LGBT politics in Russia have been shaped by various historical processes. A key event was the 1933–1934 Stalinist anti-homosexual campaign and recriminalization of sodomy; during this period a discursive frame was established which to a large extent continues to structure public perceptions of homosexuality: according to this framework, it is a political as well as a national transgression, associated with imagined attempts to undermine Russia by Western states. A near-total silence about homosexuality in the post-Stalin Soviet Union—where same-sex relations were regulated by criminal (in the case of men) and psychiatric (in the case of women) institutions—was broken during late 1980s perestroika, leading up to the 1993 decriminalization of sodomy. The Putin years have seen the gradual rise of a nationalist conservative ideology that opposes LGBT rights and stresses the importance of "traditional values." The latter concept became state ideology after Putin's return to the presidency in 2012, as manifested in the 2013 ban on "propaganda for nontraditional sexual relations" and the foreign-policy profiling of Russia as an international guardian of conservatism. In neighboring Eurasian countries—the post-Soviet republics in Central Asia and the Caucasus—the rise of "traditional-values" discourses and proposed propaganda bans in the 2010s indicate the extent to which LGBT politics have become entangled in geopolitical contestations over identity and regional influence. In Russia, a first wave of gay activism in the early 1990s failed to develop into a vital and lasting political movement, but established a queer infrastructure in larger cities. It was followed by a second generation of activists in the mid-2000s, for some of whom the organization of Pride marches have been the main strategy, leading to controversies that have increased the public visibility and politicization of LGBT issues. In scholarship on LGBT politics in Russia and Eurasia, two important subjects of discussion have been visibility and geopoliticization. The first includes a critique of identity-based visibility politics and how it has structured perceptions of queer life in Russia as well as LGBT activism itself. Researchers have examined the multiple and contradictory effects and meanings of public visibility in the Russian context and pointed at alternative forms of activism and organizing. Second, researchers have explored the geopolitical underpinnings of sexual politics, mapping how LGBT issues are interwoven in complex negotiations over national and civilizational identity, sovereignty and regional domination, security, progress and modernity.
Bakalaura darbā „LGBT tiesību pārstāvniecība Eiropas Savienībā” galvenā uzmanība pievērsta LGBT interešu pārstāvībai ES, analizējot interešu grupu spēju īstenot LGBT lobija aktivitātes ES institucionālajā ietvarā. Pētījumā mēģināts noskaidrot, kāpēc LGBT organizācijām līdz šim nav izdevies panākt ES LGBT likumdošanas paplašināšanu, pievēršot uzmanību organizāciju lobija stratēģijām. Darba teorētiskā pieeja balstās uz lobija efektivitātes principiem, kurus adaptējot izveidots LGBT interešu grupu izvērtējuma modelis, līdz ar to empīriskā analīze balstīta uz kvalitatīvu organizāciju resursu, mērķu un lobija aktivitāšu analīzi. Pētījumā noskaidrots, ka organizāciju kapacitāte LGBT tiesību pārstāvībai ES ir pietiekama, taču nespēju paplašināt LGBT likumdošanas ietvaru skaidro organizāciju orientācija uz netiešā lobija aktivitātēm. Atslēgvārdi: Eiropas Savienība, LGBT tiesību pārstāvniecība, lobijs, organizāciju kapacitāte ; The Bachelor’s thesis „Representation of LGBT rights in the European Union” focuses on LGBT interest representation in the EU, analysing the capacity of interest groups to lobby LGBT interests in the EU institional framework. The research tries to answer why these groups have not managed to expand the EU LGBT legislation, while assessing lobbying strategies of the organizations. The theoretical approach is based on principles of effective lobby, which are adapted to form a qualitative model for evaluating the LGBT interest groups based on their resources, goals and lobby activities. Research concludes that organizational capacity for interest representation is sufficient; however the inability to expand EU LGBT legislation can be explained by the focus on indirect lobby strategies. Key words: European Union, LGBT rights representation, lobby, organizational capacity