For the last few years, the German foreign policy has been under constant temptations and substantial reconsideration. The key role in resolving the difficult economic and financial crises in the EU, the development of close economic ties with the Russian and other rising world economic powers, the decision to sustain in the UN Security Council in deciding to authorise the use of force in Libya, as well as the dominant attitude towards the crises in Greece and Kosovo clearly shows the wish of Germany to pursue a more independent foreign policy. In spite of all these efforts and its huge economic power, Germany has failed to become a global political power. Moreover, in order to protect and develop its trade interests Germany must remain within the frameworks of the EU and the NATO. For a long time, Germany has been one of Serbia's most important economic and political partners. Since it is realistic to expect that Germany will be more oriented towards developing its economic ties with the new world economic powers, the Western Balkans and Serbia will not be in the focus of its foreign and economic policies. Therefore, for Serbia, it will be useful to concentrate on the cooperation with the mighty German provinces that have their interests in developing this cooperation. In the future, the Kosovo issues will remain the main obstacle to it.
Са политичким преокретом 2000. године у Србији отпочео је истовемено и процес идеолошког преобликовања јавних простора. Међу најпроминентнијим видовима оваквог деловања је именовање или преименовање урбаног простора, првенствено улица и тргова, те бављење постојећим споменицима и меморијалима, као и градња и планирање нових. Овакви су случајеви посебно били уочљиви у Београду. Њима су се у неколико наврата супротставиле одређене политичке партије, те неполитичке групе које су организовале уличне акције 'против-именовања' београдских улица, те кампање против новопланираних јавних споменика. Односи моћи и идентитетске политике у овим случајевима биће коментарисани у овом раду. Пропратиће се праксе неколико уметничких и политичких скупина које су спровеле акције и перформансе незваничног преименовања улица, или су пак дискутовале и противиле се подизању новопредложених споменика. (Пре)именовањем одређених градских простора, хегемонске политичке коалиције покушавају да конституишу сигнификантна симболичка места, док, са друге стране, опозиционе противакције покушавају да преузму та иста места и да их реинтерпретирају. У овом ће се раду покушати да прикажу и анализирају поједине идеолошке политике и званични дискурси сећања, те поједине уметничке и политичке контраполитике и опозиционе праксе алтернативне комеморације ; With the onset of political overturn in Serbia in 2000, the process of the ideological reconfiguration of public places was simultaneously being put in motion. One of the most promi- nent means of this endeavor was naming and renaming of urban space, primarily of streets and squares, but also treatment of existing memorial sites and monuments and commissioning and erection of new ones. These undertakings were especially prominent in Serbia's capital Belgrade. Such processes were opposed several times by certain political parties and groups which organized street-actions of counter-naming of Belgrade's thoroughfares and campaigns against newly designated public monuments, and power-play and identity politics of such proceedings will be commented on here. This paper will discuss practices of several artistic and political groups which carried out unofficial street-renaming actions and performances, or discussed and opposed proposed new memorials. By (re)naming certain urban spaces, hegemonic political coalitions are trying to construct significant symbolic places, while oppositional counter-actions are seeking to overtake those same places and reinterpret them. This paper will attempt to sum up and inquire into the ideological politics of official memory discourses and artistic and political counter-politics and actions of opposition or alternative commemoration.
Harmonisation of the foreign policies of the Western Balkan states with the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) within the Charter 31 of the pre-accession negotiations will be a significant obligation and challenge for most of them. Within this context, the author takes as a starting point the regular annual reports on the progress achieved by the states in the region. They show the degree of harmonisation of their foreign policies with this Union's mechanism (within four years in the 2011-2014 period). The author of the article particularly points to the real and substantial discrepancy between the normative framework of the EU CFSP and the specific activities taken by the Western Balkan states in the part concerning their position to the current crisis in Ukraine which, in a way, 'reflects' the geo-strategic interests of the 'West', on one hand, and those of the Russian Federation, on the other. At the same time, he points to the membership in the North Atlantic Alliance as a favourable framework for the acceleration of harmonisation of a country's foreign policy with the EU CFSP.
Demokratski optimizam devedestih godina prošlog veka zamenjuje osobita forma javnog razočarenja u demokratiju. Kriza demokratije praćena institucionalnim deficitima, konfuzijom, niskim stepenom upravljačke sposobnosti da se rešavaju pitanja siromaštva, nezaposlenosti, imigracije, korupcije, simptomi su ovoga stanja. Globalni val populizma najizoštreniji je izraz ove političke patologije. Početak novoga veka rađa uzlet otvorenog neprijateljstva prema demokratiji. Deskriptivni pristupi oslonjeni na proceduralnu dimenziju režima moći ("hibridni režimi", "ograničena demokratija" "iliberalna demokratija", "kompetitivni autoritarizam" ) pokazuju se nedostatnim. U ovome radu autor se vraća klasičnom konceptu "despotizma" i pokazuje normative i teorisjke prednosti ovoga koncepta ("novi despotizam") u analizi novoga režima moći koji izrasta na pretpostvkama sve šireg nepoverenja u demokratske instituciije. ; The democratic optimism of the 1990s has been replaced by a particular form of public disillusionment with democracy. The crisis of democracy, accompanied by institutional deficits, confusion, low levels of management capacity to tackle poverty, unemployment, immigration, corruption, are symptoms of this condition. The global wave of populism is the sharpest expression of this political pathology. The beginning of the new century has given birth to an open hostility to democracy. Descriptive approaches based on the procedural dimension of the regime of power ("hybrid regimes", "limited democracy", "liberal democracy", "competitive authoritarianism") are proving insufficient to capture the new political system. In this paper, the author returns to the classical concept of "despotism" and shows the normative and theoretical advantages of this concept ("new despotism") in the analysis of a new regime of power that grows on the premise of growing distrust of democratic institutions.
U radu su predstavljeni rezultati kvalitativne analize i komparacije relevantnih sadržaja ključnih obrazovno-političkih dokumenata međunarodnih i evropskih organizacija (UNESCO, OECD, Savet Evrope i Evropska Unija) iz dva perioda razvoja koncepta celoživotnog učenja koji se odnose na nastavnike. Rezultati kvalitativnog istraživanja su prikazani kroz sledeće kategorije: uloga i funkcije nastavnika, selekcija budućih nastavnika, inicijalno i kontinuirano obrazovanje nastavnika, odnos nastavnik–učenik, timski rad, pomoć nastavnicima, status i uslovi rada nastavnika, istraživački rad i mobilnost nastavnika, kao i međunarodna saradnja. Analiza i komparacija sadržaja međunarodnih i evropskih dokumenata prve faze (sredina šezdesetih i kraj sedamdesetih godina 20. veka) pokazala je da dokumenti Saveta Evrope i UNESCO-a opširno i na vrlo sličan način govore o tome šta i kako treba promeniti i/ili ponovo uspostaviti kad su u pitanju nastavnici, njihova uloga, obrazovanje i položaj kako bi celoživotno učenje postalo stvarnost. Za razliku od toga, u dokumentu OECD-a nije data veća pažnja ulozi nastavnika u realizovanju celoživotnog učenja. U drugoj fazi (sredina devedesetih godina 20. veka) razvoja koncepta celoživotnog učenja dokumenti UNESCO-a i OECD-a opširno i detaljno razmatraju pitanje nastavnika, dok se u dokumentu Evropske Unije samo konstatuje da će nastavnici imati središnju ulogu u društvu koje uči. Na kraju rada je istaknuto da je analiza i upoređivanje međunarodnih i evropskih dokumenata pokazala da su nastavnici jedan od najvažnijih elemenata politike celoživotnog učenja i da je, stoga, nužno planirati i organizovati celoživotno obrazovanje i učenje nastavnika kako bi oni mogli da podstiču i osposobljavaju učenike za celoživotno učenje. ; This paper presents results of the qualitative analysis and comparison of the content of key educational policy documents of the International and European organizations (UNESCO, OECD, Council of Europe and European Union) from two developmental stages of the lifelong learning concept with regard to the teachers. Results of the qualitative research have been presented within the following categories: role and function of teachers, selection of teacher candidates, initial and continuing training of teachers, teacher-student relation, team work, assisting teachers, status and working conditions, research and mobility of teachers and international cooperation. The analysis and comparison of the content of the International and European documents from the first phase (in the middle of 1960s and beginning of 1970s) have shown that documents of the Council of Europe and the UNESCO, to a great extent and in a similar fashion, state what should be changed and/or newly established when it comes to teachers, their role, their education as well as their status, so that lifelong learning could become reality. Compared to that, the OECD document did not pay greater attention to the role of teachers in the implementation of lifelong learning. In the second phase of development of the lifelong learning concept (in the middle of 1990s) the UNESCO and OECD documents discuss the teachers to a great extent and in detail, whereas the EU document states only that teachers will play a central role in the learning society. The paper concludes that the analysis and comparison have shown that teachers are one of the most crucial elements of the lifelong learning policy. Therefore, it is necessary to plan and organize lifelong learning and educational opportunities for teachers so that they could encourage and train their students for lifelong learning. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
