Politics & policy: a publication of the Policy Studies Organization
ISSN: 1555-5623
ISSN: 1555-5623
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"LGBT Discrimination, Subnational Public Policy, and Law in the United States" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: 2018 Wisconsin Law Review 504.
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Working paper
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Working paper
In: 85 L. & Contemp. Probs. 59-93 (2021)
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In: Oxford handbooks
In: Journal of human rights, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 256-273
ISSN: 1475-4843
This dissertation examines the impact of litigation on a social movement's dominant substantive goals and message. While scholars have devoted substantial attention to the study of social movement litigation, research in this area typically focuses on how social movements affect substantive law, or more broadly, how a movement's legal tactics bring about social change. By contrast, my focus in this dissertation is on how litigation affects the social movement itself. In particular, how does litigation as a tactic shape a social movement's collective agenda? How does it affect which perspective among possible competing visions comes to define the movement?I investigate these dynamics through a case study of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement from 1985 to 2008. The study involves three phases of original empirical research, each of which investigates a potential mechanism that may privilege litigation over other tactics in its ability to set the LGBT movement's primary substantive agenda. First, I use a content analysis of newspaper coverage of LGBT politics to determine which movement tactics have received the most media visibility. Second, I perform a statistical analysis of LGBT organizations to determine which movement tactics have been most associated with organizational survival and stability. Third, I perform a qualitative analysis of a subset of those LGBT organizations to examine variation in the strategy-formation processes used by primarily litigation-, lobbying-, or protest-based movement groups.The media content analysis revealed that litigation received more news coverage than any other LGBT movement tactic, suggesting that litigation had greater visibility than other tactics. In addition, the statistical analysis revealed that the movement organizations that used litigation had greater survival rates than other types of LGBT movement organizations, suggesting that litigation has been a particularly stable feature of LGBT politics. The qualitative analysis of LGBT organizations revealed further insights into how litigation may influence the agendas of non-legal movement actors. Whereas litigating LGBT movement groups proactively pursued preplanned organizational priorities, protest groups formed their agendas reactively, focusing on the issues covered by the mainstream media. This phenomenon appears to have diverted protest groups away from their original priorities and toward the issues that the media found newsworthy. Given my findings that litigation coverage dominated news headlines, the processes identified here may enable litigation to dominate protest activism as well. Taken together, these findings suggest that the media visibility and stability of social movement litigation may contribute to the prominence of litigation and cause legal goals to dominate the movement's overall substantive agenda. I describe this process as the "legalization" of a social movement's agenda.This dissertation makes a novel contribution to existing scholarship by exposing systemic processes that may privilege movement litigation relative to protest, elevating the issues being litigated to top movement priorities. Significant implications follow for theories of law and social change. Focusing on litigation narrows a movement's agenda because courts offer a forum for only those grievances that can be translated into legal claims. This may be particularly problematic for movements that base their legal claims in antidiscrimination law, which has become settled around quite limited understandings of equality as formal access to equal opportunity and discrimination as an intentional, individual harm. This interpretation not only denies remedies for the structural factors most responsible for perpetuating inequality, it also places the focus on preventing individual wrongdoing rather than producing substantive outcomes. Thus, when antidiscrimination litigation comes to define an equality movement's priorities, the movement may find itself privileging issues with little hope of creating substantive social transformation.
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This volume combines empirically oriented and theoretically grounded reflections upon various forms of LGBT activist engagement to examine how the notion of intersectionality enters the political context of contemporary Serbia and Croatia. By uncovering experiences of multiple oppression and voicing fear and frustration that accompany exclusionary practices, the contributions to this book seek to reinvigorate the critical potential of intersectionality, in order to generate the basis for wider political alliances and solidarities in the post-Yugoslav space. The authors, both activists and academics, challenge the systematic absence of discussions of (post- )Yugoslav LGBT activist initiatives in recent social science scholarship, and show how emancipatory politics of resistance can reshape what is possible to imagine as identity and community in post-war and post-socialist societies. This book will be of interest to scholars and students in the areas of history and politics of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav states, as well as to those working in the fields of political sociology, European studies, social movements, gay and lesbian studies, gender studies, and queer theory and activism.
This scoping review of UK evidence aimed to describe what is known about Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Trans (LGBT+) health inequalities in relation to cancer, mental health, and palliative care to inform research, policy and public health interventions. Using a scoping review methodology, we identified studies from database searches, citation tracking, and expert consultation. The in/exclusion criteria was based on the PICOS framework. The data were charted and then summarised to map the theoretical approaches and the main types of evidence and identify knowledge gaps. In total, 279 articles were screened and 83 were included in the final review. We found that there is limited UK research examining LGBT+ health inequality in cancer, mental health and palliative care. We would argue that this thin evidence base is partly due to national policy discussions of LGBT+ health inequality that are framed within a depoliticised 'it's getting better' narrative, and an unwillingness to adequately acknowledge the unjust social and economic relations that produce LGBT+ health inequality. In addition, LGBT+ health inequality is depoliticised by existing public health explanatory theories, models and frameworks that exclude sexual orientation and gender diversity as dimensions of power that interlock with those of socio-economic, race and ethnicity. This is a barrier to developing public health interventions that can successfully tackle LGBT+ health inequality
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In: East European politics and societies: EEPS, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 834-851
ISSN: 1533-8371
This article analyses from an anthropological perspective the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, the first state-supported Parade in Serbia, as a part of the building of a democratic and European Serbian nation. In their discursive framing of the Parade and making claims on the state to take it under its auspices, the organising NGOs bound the event to the EU integration process of Serbia. This policy link helped them forge a political alliance with the state, but was also instrumentalised by the government to avoid an ideological conflict with the opponents of the Parade. Owing to the perception of the alliance as "elitist" and to the militarised and depoliticised nature of the state's involvement, the event materially actualised and reified rather than transcended the enduring conflict of liberal and collectivist citizenship visions in Serbia. The article argues that the overall discourse of the government on Europeanisation is informed by the same top-down and instrumental logic. However, members of civil society develop political subjectivities which demand active citizen participation and critically engage with the discourse to restore its democratising potential. Similarly, the emerging "populist" politics of LGBT rights, illustrated by the pop singer Jelena Karleuša's participation in the domestic debate, are better placed to face the legacies of socialist and ethnonationalist nation-building than the human rights and Europeanisation approaches.
In: East European politics and societies: EEPS, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 834-851
ISSN: 1533-8371
This article analyses from an anthropological perspective the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, the first state-supported Parade in Serbia, as a part of the building of a democratic and European Serbian nation. In their discursive framing of the Parade and making claims on the state to take it under its auspices, the organising NGOs bound the event to the EU integration process of Serbia. This policy link helped them forge a political alliance with the state, but was also instrumentalised by the government to avoid an ideological conflict with the opponents of the Parade. Owing to the perception of the alliance as "elitist" and to the militarised and depoliticised nature of the state's involvement, the event materially actualised and reified rather than transcended the enduring conflict of liberal and collectivist citizenship visions in Serbia. The article argues that the overall discourse of the government on Europeanisation is informed by the same top-down and instrumental logic. However, members of civil society develop political subjectivities which demand active citizen participation and critically engage with the discourse to restore its democratising potential. Similarly, the emerging "populist" politics of LGBT rights, illustrated by the pop singer Jelena Karleusa's participation in the domestic debate, are better placed to face the legacies of socialist and ethnonationalist nation-building than the human rights and Europeanisation approaches. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright the American Council of Learned Societies.]
The paper discusses planning policies and urban politics, their relation to LGBT communities in the city, and their potential to promote spatial justice within the local planning policies. The paper briefly reviews the main theoretical issues discussed in the literature regarding the connection between planning and sexuality. It also reviews three theoretical concepts of justice that relate to planning policy and urban politics: distributive Justice, procedural justice and recognition. The case study of the Gay Center at Tel Aviv's Meir Park is analyzed with reference to these three spatial justice concepts. The main argument is that the center is a clear example of distributive and procedural justice. However, when we analyze this case study in light of the concept of recognition, the findings are somewhat ambiguous. On the one hand, the case of the Gay Center indicates growing recognition of Tel Aviv's LGBT community. On the other hand, a queer analysis shows that this recognition is partial as it is limited to certain parts of the community and to spaces frequented by LGBTs in Tel-Aviv. ; El document discuteix les polítiques de planificació i la política urbana, la seva relació amb les comunitats LGBT a la ciutat i el seu potencial per promoure la justícia espacial dins de les polítiques de planificació locals. El document revisa breument els principals temes teòrics tractats a la literatura sobre la connexió entre planificació i sexualitat. També es revisen tres conceptes teòrics de justícia relacionats amb la política de planificació i la política urbana: la justícia distributiva, la justícia processal i el reconeixement. L'estudi de cas del Centre Gai al Parc Meir de Tel-Aviv s'analitza amb referència a aquests tres conceptes de justícia espacial. L'argument principal és que el centre és un clar exemple de justícia distributiva i processal. No obstant això, quan analitzem aquest cas a la llum del concepte de reconeixement, les conclusions són una mica ambigües. D'una banda, el cas del Centre Gai indica un reconeixement creixent de la comunitat LGBT de Tel-Aviv. D'altra banda, una anàlisi queer mostra que aquest reconeixement és parcial, ja que es limita a certes parts de la comunitat i als espais freqüentats per LGBT a Tel-Aviv. ; El documento analiza las políticas de planificación y las políticas urbanas, su relación con las comunidades LGBT en la ciudad y su potencial para promover la justicia espacial dentro de las políticas de planificación local. El artículo revisa brevemente los principales temas teóricos discutidos en la literatura con respecto a la conexión entre planificación y sexualidad. También revisa tres conceptos teóricos de la justicia que se relacionan con la política de planificación y las políticas urbanas: la justicia distributiva, la justicia procesal y el reconocimiento. El estudio de caso del Centro Gay en el Parque Meir de Tel-Aviv se analiza con referencia a estos tres conceptos de justicia espacial. El argumento principal es que el centro es un claro ejemplo de justicia distributiva y procesal. Sin embargo, cuando analizamos este estudio de caso a la luz del concepto de reconocimiento, los hallazgos son algo ambiguos. Por un lado, el caso del Centro Gay indica un creciente reconocimiento de la comunidad LGBT de Tel-Aviv. Por otro lado, un análisis queer muestra que este reconocimiento es parcial, ya que está limitado a ciertas partes de la comunidad y a los espacios frecuentados por LGBT en Tel-Aviv. ; Le document traite des politiques de planification et des politiques urbaines, de leurs relations avec les communautés LGBT de la ville et de leur potentiel à promouvoir la justice spatiale dans les politiques de planification locales. Le document passe brièvement en revue les principales questions théoriques abordées dans la littérature concernant le lien entre planification et sexualité. Il passe également en revue trois concepts théoriques de la justice liés aux politiques de planification et à la politique urbaine : la justice distributive, la justice procédurale et la reconnaissance. L'étude de cas du Centre gay du parc Meir de Tel Aviv est analysée en référence à ces trois concepts de justice spatiale. L'argument principal est que le centre est un clair exemple de justice distributive et procédurale. Cependant, lorsque nous analysons cette étude de cas à la lumière du concept de reconnaissance, les résultats sont quelque peu ambigus. D'une part, le cas du Gay Center indique une reconnaissance croissante de la communauté LGBT de Tel Aviv. D'autre part, une analyse queer montre que cette reconnaissance est partielle, car elle se limite à certaines parties de la communauté et aux espaces fréquentés par les LGBT à Tel-Aviv.
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EU policy-making has steadily incorporated gender equality as an important factor for the optimal functioning of democracies and market economies. Nonetheless, few studies have incorporated a comparative perspective to assess the Europeanization of LGBT+ Equality. This study examines the role of the European Union in driving domestic policy change in Spain and other three Member States from different backgrounds in political, social and cultural terms - Poland (Eastern), Finland (Nordic), and Italy (Southern Europe). Drawing on several datasets, this paper concludes that micro, meso, and macro factors have transformed Spain from a "consumer" of policies towards a "producer" within the the EU. In this sense, the factual and normative value of the acquis communitaire (mixed rational-sociological approach) and the rational use of these inputs by domestic actors to achieve strategic objectives (consequential approach) appear to be the main causal mechanisms behind this process. These findings open the way for new avenues of research regarding EU policy-making, and normative questions such as democratic legitimacy and the founding values of the Union, as well as implications for policies such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP).
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