LGBT politics and sexual liberation
In: International socialism: journal for socialist theory/ Socialist Workers Party, Heft 114, S. 137-170
ISSN: 0020-8736
In: International socialism: journal for socialist theory/ Socialist Workers Party, Heft 114, S. 137-170
ISSN: 0020-8736
In: Citizenship studies, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 247-262
ISSN: 1469-3593
In: Studies in law, politics, and society, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 3-28
In this article, I examine the role of judicial narratives in constructing, constraining, & delimiting the boundaries of social scientific & expert knowledge -- specifically, in the context of gay & lesbian parents' custody & adoption cases. Examining not only the judicial narratives in appellate cases over the last fifty years in the United States, but also expert reports & briefs obtained from attorneys in these cases & interviews with judges, attorneys & litigants, I investigate the role of judicial narratives in adjudicating between competing social scientific claims about sexuality & child welfare, constructing expertise, & ultimately deciding what is valid knowledge & what is not. I focus specifically on the ways in which judges credit & discredit social scientific evidence, experts, & knowledge claims. The power of legal actors & particularly judges to police the boundaries of knowledge & expertise in the context of the custody case & the judicial narrative is complicated by the observation that this form of social scientific knowledge is not only the object acted upon & shaped by these power dynamics, but is also itself a source of power & legitimation. 42 References. [Copyright 2005 Elsevier Ltd.]
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 40, Heft 2, S. 393-398
The Committee on the Status of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, and the
Transgendered [LGBT] in the Profession has authorized this
review of 17 recent editions of top-selling textbooks marketed for use in
courses providing an introduction to U.S. politics.
In: New approaches in sociology
Explores the ways in which activists strategically use a 'straight' identity as a social movement tool in order to achieve the movement objectives. This book offers an analysis on the strategic deployment of a straight identity by an LGBT organization
In: Citizenship studies, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 389-404
ISSN: 1469-3593
In: http://www.globalizationandhealth.com/content/3/1/8
Abstract Queerness is now global. Many emerging economies of the global South are experiencing queer mobilization and sexual identity politics raising fundamental questions of citizenship and human rights on the one hand; and discourses of nationalism, cultural identity, imperialism, tradition and family-values on the other. While some researchers argue that with economic globalization in the developing world, a Western, hegemonic notion of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) identity has been exported to traditional societies thereby destroying indigenous sexual cultures and diversities, other scholars do not consider globalization as a significant factor in global queer mobilization and sexual identity politics. This paper aims at exploring the debate around globalization and contemporary queer politics in developing world with special reference to India. After briefly tracing the history of sexual identity politics, this paper examines the process of queer mobilization in relation to emergence of HIV/AIDS epidemic and forces of neoliberal globalization. I argue that the twin-process of globalization and AIDS epidemic has significantly influenced the mobilization of queer communities, while simultaneously strengthening right wing "homophobic" discourses of heterosexist nationalism in India.
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As this year's Sampson Center exhibition makes clear the powerful desire to find historical inevitability in the advance toward equal opportunity for all Americans has become far more nuanced by the sometimes discomforting reminders that advances at the ballot box are neither as clear-cut nor as unconditional as we once hoped. The ancient antipathies of racism, anti-Semitism, and homophobia are not so easily elided by political campaigns and elections. The pace of social consensus requires a degree of patience and continuing attention that tries the very fabric of American life while we attempt to comprehend the consequences of change wrought by our heightened understanding of the implications of diversity in American life. Table of Contents: Introduction (Selma Botman, USM President) Quiet Revolution: A Tally of Black Victories (Bob Greene, for the African American Collection) Is It Good for the Jews? Is it Good for Everyone? Maine Jewry between Civic Idealism and the Politics of Reality (Abraham J. Peck, Scholar-in-Residence for the Judaica Collection) From the Closet to the Ballot-Box: Electoral Politics and Maine's LGBT Citizens, 1970s to the Present (Howard M. Solomon, Scholar-in-Residence for the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Collection) ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/event_catalog/1003/thumbnail.jpg
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Same-Sex partner benefits for gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender employees have been offered by well over fifty percent of Fortune 500 corporations in the last two decades. This thesis attempts to examine. It develops a model of the way that the sociopolitical environment and business interact on socially sensitive issues, using same-sex partner benefits as a guide. This three step model - political interest mobilization, institutional entrepreneurship, and institutional enforcement - gives a broad lens through which we can examine why corporations are willing to adopt controversial work-life policies.
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In: PS: political science & politics, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 229-232
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
In: Politics & policy, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 232-248
ISSN: 1747-1346
Robert Salisbury has assumed that interest group entrepreneurs are profit‐driven and make attempts to procure collective goods to increase their membership and revenue. This article's research question takes the reverse of Salisbury's claim: can interest group entrepreneurs increase the likelihood of procuring collective goods by increasing their organizational strength? Results of a study of statewide Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) organizations show that larger memberships are positively and significantly associated with success in procuring collective goals while increased budgets are significantly but negatively associated. The implications are twofold. First, the assumption that entrepreneurs pursue collective goods for reasons of self‐interest may be more complicated than Salisbury suggests. The relationship could be the opposite—interest group entrepreneurs build their membership to secure collective goals. Second, because of the finding that more members means more legislative success, but greater budgets means less legislative success, interest group entrepreneurs interested in procuring collective goals should consider maximizing their membership rather than their budgets.
In: Sexual Cultures 20
2007 Choice Outstanding Academic TitleAt the funeral of Matthew Shepard—the young Wyoming man brutally murdered for being gay—the Reverend Fred Phelps led his parishioners in protest, displaying signs with slogans like "Matt Shepard rots in Hell," "Fags Die God Laughs," and "God Hates Fags." In counter-protest, activists launched an "angel action," dressing in angel costumes, with seven-foot high wings, and creating a visible barrier so one would not have to see the hateful signs.Though long thought of as one of the most virulently anti-gay genres of contemporary American politics and culture, in God Hates Fags, Michael Cobb maintains that religious discourses have curiously figured as the most potent and pervasive forms of queer expression and activism throughout the twentieth century. Cobb focuses on how queers have assumed religious rhetoric strategically to respond to the violence done against them, alternating close readings of writings by James Baldwin, Tennessee Williams, Jean Toomer, Dorothy Allison, and Stephen Crane with critical legal and political analyses of Supreme Court Cases and anti-gay legislation. He also pays deep attention to the political strategies, public declarations, websites, interviews, and other media made by key religious right organizations that have mounted the most successful regulations and condemnations of homosexuality
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Foreword: ''Home'' Is a Four-Letter Word -- Introduction: Queering Black Studies/''Quaring'' Queer Studies -- I. DISCIPLINARY TENSIONS: BLACK STUDIES/QUEER STUDIES -- Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics? ≤ -- Race-ing Homonormativity: Citizenship, Sociology, and Gay Identity -- Straight Black Studies: On African American Studies, James Baldwin, and Black Queer Studies -- Outside in Black Studies: Reading from a Queer Place in the Diaspora -- The Evidence of Felt Intuition: Minority Experience, Everyday Life, and Critical Speculative Knowledge -- ''Quare'' Studies, or (Almost) Everything I Know about Queer Studies I Learned from My Grandmother -- II. REPRESENTING THE ''RACE'': BLACKNESS, QUEERS, AND THE POLITICS OF VISIBILITY -- Beyond the Closet as Raceless Paradigm -- Privilege -- ''Joining the Lesbians'': Cinematic Regimes of Black Lesbian Visibility -- Why Are Gay Ghettoes White? -- III. HOW TO TEACH THE UNSPEAKABLE: RACE, QUEER STUDIES, AND PEDAGOGY -- Embracing the Teachable Moment: The Black Gay Body in the Classroom as Embodied Text -- Are We Family? Pedagogy and the Race for Queerness -- On Being a Witness: Passion, Pedagogy, and the Legacy of James Baldwin -- IV. BLACK QUEER FICTION: WHO IS ''READING'' US? -- But Some of Us Are Brave Lesbians: The Absence of Black Lesbian Fiction -- James Baldwin's Giovanni's Room: Expatriation, ''Racial Drag,'' and Homosexual Panic -- Robert O'Hara's Insurrection: ''Que(e)rying History'' -- Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 813-815
ISSN: 1541-0986
In her book, Anna Marie Smith meticulously analyzes the racial and gendered dimensions of the U.S. welfare state and the ways in which it punishes the unmarried and imposes hetero-normative standards on all types of poor families. Smith's aim is to "expand the disciplinary limits of feminist political theory" (p. 6) by drawing on case law, public policy, and social theory. She exposes highly undemocratic practices directed at poor women and men, as well as what amounts to a eugenic project seeking to limit poor people's reproduction. Significantly, individuals of color are targeted by the state for eugenic control and moral policing. In particular, Smith points out how welfare reform and the implementation of "paternafare"—a program that forces poor women to identify biological fathers so that the state can pursue these "deadbeat dads"—do not help the one group who even conservatives agree are "innocent"—children. Very rarely are any party's circumstances elevated by this system, and most often "payers" are forced into deeper poverty. Furthermore, the state's hetero-normative stance marginalizes lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgendered individuals (LGBTs) in a legal system in which their rights are already deeply compromised.
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 417-418
ISSN: 1065-9129
In this commentary on the debate on cultural studies, the commenter questions Susan Burgess's article Queer(Theory)Eye for the Straight(Legal)Guy (this volume), the author finds value in the juxtaposition of Queer Eye & the Rehnquist courts as a makeover & as a reversal, but claims that only three of the four central claims of queer theory that Burgess relates to the study of judicial politics are persuasive & relevant. Burgess contribution is asserted to be in providing illumination on the change of homosexual as a distinct legal category of person. Burgess ironic parody is concluded to offer insight, but LGBT rights advocates are warned of the possible diminishing of their power to wrest greater liberty & equality that has already been achieved with the weapons of liberal legalism. References. J. Harwell