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Published in Reviews and Critical Commentary: http://councilforeuropeanstudies.org/critcom/post-marriage-lgbt-politics-in-spain/ ; Council of European Studies

This dissertation examines the impact of litigation on a social movement's dominant substantive goals and message. While scholars have devoted substantial attention to the study of social movement litigation, research in this area typically focuses on how social movements affect substantive law, or more broadly, how a movement's legal tactics bring about social change. By contrast, my focus in this dissertation is on how litigation affects the social movement itself. In particular, how does litigation as a tactic shape a social movement's collective agenda? How does it affect which perspective among possible competing visions comes to define the movement?I investigate these dynamics through a case study of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement from 1985 to 2008. The study involves three phases of original empirical research, each of which investigates a potential mechanism that may privilege litigation over other tactics in its ability to set the LGBT movement's primary substantive agenda. First, I use a content analysis of newspaper coverage of LGBT politics to determine which movement tactics have received the most media visibility. Second, I perform a statistical analysis of LGBT organizations to determine which movement tactics have been most associated with organizational survival and stability. Third, I perform a qualitative analysis of a subset of those LGBT organizations to examine variation in the strategy-formation processes used by primarily litigation-, lobbying-, or protest-based movement groups.The media content analysis revealed that litigation received more news coverage than any other LGBT movement tactic, suggesting that litigation had greater visibility than other tactics. In addition, the statistical analysis revealed that the movement organizations that used litigation had greater survival rates than other types of LGBT movement organizations, suggesting that litigation has been a particularly stable feature of LGBT politics. The qualitative analysis of LGBT organizations revealed further insights into how litigation may influence the agendas of non-legal movement actors. Whereas litigating LGBT movement groups proactively pursued preplanned organizational priorities, protest groups formed their agendas reactively, focusing on the issues covered by the mainstream media. This phenomenon appears to have diverted protest groups away from their original priorities and toward the issues that the media found newsworthy. Given my findings that litigation coverage dominated news headlines, the processes identified here may enable litigation to dominate protest activism as well. Taken together, these findings suggest that the media visibility and stability of social movement litigation may contribute to the prominence of litigation and cause legal goals to dominate the movement's overall substantive agenda. I describe this process as the "legalization" of a social movement's agenda.This dissertation makes a novel contribution to existing scholarship by exposing systemic processes that may privilege movement litigation relative to protest, elevating the issues being litigated to top movement priorities. Significant implications follow for theories of law and social change. Focusing on litigation narrows a movement's agenda because courts offer a forum for only those grievances that can be translated into legal claims. This may be particularly problematic for movements that base their legal claims in antidiscrimination law, which has become settled around quite limited understandings of equality as formal access to equal opportunity and discrimination as an intentional, individual harm. This interpretation not only denies remedies for the structural factors most responsible for perpetuating inequality, it also places the focus on preventing individual wrongdoing rather than producing substantive outcomes. Thus, when antidiscrimination litigation comes to define an equality movement's priorities, the movement may find itself privileging issues with little hope of creating substantive social transformation.

On June 28, 1969, a small gay bar in New York City's Greenwich Village neighborhood, The Stonewall Inn, was raided by the police. Rather than the norm of passive consent to the police, the patrons began to fight back leading to an all-out riot in the streets of lower Manhattan. The Stonewall Riot is referred to by many as the turning point in the struggle for gay rights

A growing minority group in the United States, the LGBT community increasingly advocates for political rights through protest movements. While some results have been attained, the group is still not fully accepted in the United States' traditional society.

The politics of gay and transgender visibility and representation at the Eurovision Song Contest, an annual televised popular music festival presented to viewers as a contest between European nations, show that processes of interest to Queer International Relations do not just involve states or even international institutions; national and transnational popular geopolitics over 'LGBT rights' and 'Europeanness' equally constitute the understandings of 'the international' with which Queer IR is concerned. Building on Cynthia Weber's reading the persona of the 2014 Eurovision winner Conchita Wurst with 'queer intellectual curiosity', this paper demonstrates that Eurovision shifted from, in the late 1990s, an emerging site of gay and trans visibility to, by 2008–14, part of a larger discursive circuit taking in international mega-events like the Olympics, international human-rights advocacy, Europe/Russia relations, and the politics of state homophobia and transphobia. Contest organisers thus had to take positions – ranging from detachment to celebration – about 'LGBT' politics in host states and the Eurovision region. The construction of spatio-temporal hierarchies around attitudes to LGBT rights, however, revealed exclusions that corroborate other critical arguments on the reconfiguration of national and European identities around 'LGBT equality'.

Russian slash practices are much more than a protest subculture—a reductionist term that implies an unchanging isolation from other public realms. The political significance of slash practices on the Russian-language Internet, Runet, is more effectively understood by examining how slash and slashers travel from fannish to other public spaces to shape everyday political conversations about sexual politics in Russia.

What novel political spaces emerge at the intersections of global HIV/AIDS interventions and LGBT rights movements? As discrimination and stigma become the targets of global health initiatives, how do communities affected by HIV/AIDS position themselves towards notions of rights? And what is the social and political afterlife of rights-based initiatives after they are defunded or cease to exist? These are the central research questions posed in the dissertation. To address them, I conducted six months of preliminary fieldwork and fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in 2012-2015 among gay and transgender communities in the upper Amazonian state of San Martín in Peru. Through data collection techniques that included participant observation and interviews, I examined the social and political effects of a rights-based HIV/AIDS intervention for gay and transgender communities in the region. Among these communities, I found the peche concept to be particularly meaningful. The peche referred to the small gifts that gay and transgender people exchanged for the company, affection, and sex with heterosexual men. While sometimes construed as either a risky sexual practice in HIV/AIDS-related research or considered disempowering by LGBT activists, I found that the peche had historical depth and social extension. I problematize these narratives by developing the concept of peche politics to analyze the political practices that emerged in San Martín among the communities I studied. I situate these practices, such as addressing discrimination and homophobia through formal grievances or recounting and transmitting stories of the internal armed conflict, at the confluence of local myths about sexuality, national histories of violence and human rights, and global health initiatives. In my conclusion, I rethink the local, national, and global scales of this research and propose a hemispheric imaginary to open new analytical possibilities, especially in the moments when global structures of HIV/AIDS initiatives and LGBT rights recede.

The paper discusses planning policies and urban politics, their relation to LGBT communities in the city, and their potential to promote spatial justice within the local planning policies. The paper briefly reviews the main theoretical issues discussed in the literature regarding the connection between planning and sexuality. It also reviews three theoretical concepts of justice that relate to planning policy and urban politics: distributive Justice, procedural justice and recognition. The case study of the Gay Center at Tel Aviv's Meir Park is analyzed with reference to these three spatial justice concepts. The main argument is that the center is a clear example of distributive and procedural justice. However, when we analyze this case study in light of the concept of recognition, the findings are somewhat ambiguous. On the one hand, the case of the Gay Center indicates growing recognition of Tel Aviv's LGBT community. On the other hand, a queer analysis shows that this recognition is partial as it is limited to certain parts of the community and to spaces frequented by LGBTs in Tel-Aviv. ; El document discuteix les polítiques de planificació i la política urbana, la seva relació amb les comunitats LGBT a la ciutat i el seu potencial per promoure la justícia espacial dins de les polítiques de planificació locals. El document revisa breument els principals temes teòrics tractats a la literatura sobre la connexió entre planificació i sexualitat. També es revisen tres conceptes teòrics de justícia relacionats amb la política de planificació i la política urbana: la justícia distributiva, la justícia processal i el reconeixement. L'estudi de cas del Centre Gai al Parc Meir de Tel-Aviv s'analitza amb referència a aquests tres conceptes de justícia espacial. L'argument principal és que el centre és un clar exemple de justícia distributiva i processal. No obstant això, quan analitzem aquest cas a la llum del concepte de reconeixement, les conclusions són una mica ambigües. D'una banda, el cas del Centre Gai indica un reconeixement creixent de la comunitat LGBT de Tel-Aviv. D'altra banda, una anàlisi queer mostra que aquest reconeixement és parcial, ja que es limita a certes parts de la comunitat i als espais freqüentats per LGBT a Tel-Aviv. ; El documento analiza las políticas de planificación y las políticas urbanas, su relación con las comunidades LGBT en la ciudad y su potencial para promover la justicia espacial dentro de las políticas de planificación local. El artículo revisa brevemente los principales temas teóricos discutidos en la literatura con respecto a la conexión entre planificación y sexualidad. También revisa tres conceptos teóricos de la justicia que se relacionan con la política de planificación y las políticas urbanas: la justicia distributiva, la justicia procesal y el reconocimiento. El estudio de caso del Centro Gay en el Parque Meir de Tel-Aviv se analiza con referencia a estos tres conceptos de justicia espacial. El argumento principal es que el centro es un claro ejemplo de justicia distributiva y procesal. Sin embargo, cuando analizamos este estudio de caso a la luz del concepto de reconocimiento, los hallazgos son algo ambiguos. Por un lado, el caso del Centro Gay indica un creciente reconocimiento de la comunidad LGBT de Tel-Aviv. Por otro lado, un análisis queer muestra que este reconocimiento es parcial, ya que está limitado a ciertas partes de la comunidad y a los espacios frecuentados por LGBT en Tel-Aviv. ; Le document traite des politiques de planification et des politiques urbaines, de leurs relations avec les communautés LGBT de la ville et de leur potentiel à promouvoir la justice spatiale dans les politiques de planification locales. Le document passe brièvement en revue les principales questions théoriques abordées dans la littérature concernant le lien entre planification et sexualité. Il passe également en revue trois concepts théoriques de la justice liés aux politiques de planification et à la politique urbaine : la justice distributive, la justice procédurale et la reconnaissance. L'étude de cas du Centre gay du parc Meir de Tel Aviv est analysée en référence à ces trois concepts de justice spatiale. L'argument principal est que le centre est un clair exemple de justice distributive et procédurale. Cependant, lorsque nous analysons cette étude de cas à la lumière du concept de reconnaissance, les résultats sont quelque peu ambigus. D'une part, le cas du Gay Center indique une reconnaissance croissante de la communauté LGBT de Tel Aviv. D'autre part, une analyse queer montre que cette reconnaissance est partielle, car elle se limite à certaines parties de la communauté et aux espaces fréquentés par les LGBT à Tel-Aviv.

Resumen: A partir de un seguimiento de políticas (gubernamentales, de los movimientos sociales y de la vida cotidiana) en la ciudad de Bogotá (Colombia), relacionadas con la ampliación de ciudadanías sexuales, este artículo trata sobre los territorios morales que dichas políticas crean, y sobre los cuerpos que desea el Estado o que reclaman ser deseados por él. Particularmente se analizan la 'política LGBT' y la 'política gay' en un contexto local y su paradójica contribución a la normalización de la disidencia sexual y de género. Palabras clave: sexualidad; fronteras morales; LGBT; travesti; políticas sexuales Fronteiras morais e políticas sexuais: apontamentos sobre "a política LGBT" e o desejo do Estado Resumo: A partir do acompanhamento de políticas (governamentais, dos movimentos sociais e da vida cotidiana) na cidade de Bogotá (Colômbia), em relação com a ampliação de cidadanias sexuais, este artigo trata dos territórios morais que criam tais políticas e dos corpos que deseja o Estado ou que reclamam ser desejados por ele. Particularmente, analisam-se "a política LGBT" e "a política gay" em um contexto local e a sua paradoxal contribuição para a normalização da dissidência sexual e de gênero. Palavras-chave: sexualidade; fronteiras morais; LGBT; travesti; políticas sexuais Moral Boundaries and Sexual Politics: Notes on 'LGBT Politics' and the desire of the State Abstract: Based on an analysis of government policy, social movement activism, and politics of the everyday life in Bogotá (Colombia), about the expansion of sexual citizenship, this article delves on the moral territories created around those politics, and the bodies desired by the State, or bodies that want to be desired by the State. In particular, it discusses 'LGBT politics' and 'gay policy' in a local context, and its paradoxical contribution to the normalization of sexual and gender dissidence. Keywords: sexuality; moral boundaries; LGBT; transgender; sexual politics

Using videorecorded data from canvassing interviews between activists and voters in Los Angeles, this thesis examines the ideologies of sexuality that emerge in conversation through the interactive construction of argumentative reasoning and socio-semiotic processes of ideological representation. Analysis focuses on the discursive connections canvassers and voters draw between attitudes toward LGBT politics and beliefs about what causes a person to be gay or bisexual. In contrast to ideologies circulated by the mass media, the data demonstrate broad variation in how voters' stances on politics and morality are tied to their own presentations of self and whether they believe homosexuality is something people choose, are influenced toward, or are born with. Nonetheless, canvassers misrecognize this variation and generate restrictive ideological representations through processes of iconization, erasure, and dichotomic replication. In order to better promote LGBT political causes, I call on activists to rethink their persuasive strategies in light of these findings.

El texto relata diversas experiencias de enseñanza, investigación y extensión del proyecto "Corpolítica: diálogos sobre género, sexualidad, raza y derechos con jóvenes en espacios urbanos periféricos en el Distrito Federal", que fueron construidas desde la perspectiva de una Colectiva LGBTI+ del mismo nombre. La reflexión central aborda las relaciones entre la experiencia de extensión de la colectiva, caracterizada por la interseccionalidad, y el poder heterocisnormativo en la Universidad. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, utiliza diversas estrategias: memoria compartida, análisis documental, entrevistas, etc. Propone la reflexión sobre el lugar marginal de esa producción y la imposibilidad de, efectivamente, ocupar las posiciones hegemónicas, lo que sugiere la utilización del término guerrilla. El texto interroga a los actuales modelos de extensión popular al demostrar que la extensión puede también reproducir dimensiones de poder de la matriz heterosexual (Judith Butler) o invertir en una sociabilidad afectiva de (de)construcción de las formas tradicionales de saber, siempre marcada por el lugar de precariedad de las involucradas y de lo efímero de las experiencias en los espacios universitarios.

ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to discuss the meaning of sex and gender orientation is for LGBT, to analyze it the discourse of Foucault and Freud's sexuality, then whether countries have provided a sense of security and social security relating to the identity of LGBT people. Indonesian people tend to have homophobic attitudes towards LGBT. This discriminatory attitude from the community comes because of insufficient language to interpret one's gender identity. The language that is mastered by Indonesian people are binary, male or female, if it is not included in the grouping it will be considered abnormal as LGBT gender identity. This research method by analyzing the literature that the author summarizes and uses the discourse of Foucault and Freud's sexuality. The results of this study that LGBT still experience discrimination in the community, while the Constitution is not yet able to protect the problem of discrimination. The conclusions from the results of the analysis and a collection of several research results which the author summarizes, clearly say that Indonesia is a country that does not protect and does not guarantee the rights of LGBT people. Keywords: LGBT,Politics of Sexuality, State Policy.

O texto trata das relações entre a experiência de extensão de uma coletiva LGBTI+, caracterizada pela interseccionalidade, e o poder heterocisnormativo na universidade. Relata as experiências de ensino, pesquisa e extensão do Projeto "Corpolítica" que foram construídas desde a perspectiva de uma Coletiva LGBT de mesmo nome, criada na Universidade de Brasília (UnB) em 2014. Do ponto de vista metodológico, utiliza-se da memória compartilhada, da análise documental, entrevistas etc. Propõe a reflexão sobre o lugar marginal dessa produção e a impossibilidade de, efetivamente, ocupar as posições hegemônicas, sugerindo a utilização do termo "guerrilha" como categoría compreensiva dessas estratégias. Interroga os atuais modelos de Extensão Popular, ao demonstrar que a extensão pode também reproduzir dimensões de poder da "matriz heterossexual" (Judith Butler) ou investir numa sociabilidade afetiva de (des)construção das formas tradicionais de saber, sempre marcada pelo lugar de precariedade das sujeitas envolvidas e pela efemeridade das experiências nos espaços universitários. ; This paper addresses the teaching, research, and outreach experiences of an LGBTI+ collective's outreach project called "Corpolítica" (body politics), which was created in the University of Brasília (UnB) in 2014. The fundamental reflection analyses the cisgender and heteronormative power that structures the university, characterized by its intersectional approach. The methods used in this paper are: shared memory, document analysis, interviews, etc. The aim is to reflect on the peripheral space of this production and the impossibility of effectively occupy hegemonic positions, suggesting the use of the term "guerrilla" as a comprehensive category of those strategies. This paper also questions the current models of popular outreach, as it shows that outreach can also reproduce power dimensions of the "heterosexual matrix" (Judith Butler), or invest in an effective sociability of (de)construction of traditional forms of knowledge, always marked by the precarious situation of the subjects involved and the momentary experiences in the university sphere. ; El texto relata diversas experiencias de enseñanza, investigación y extensión del proyecto "Corpolítica: diálogos sobre género, sexualidad, raza y derechos con jóvenes en espacios urbanos periféricos en el Distrito Federal", que fueron construidas desde la perspectiva de una Colectiva LGBTI+ del mismo nombre. La reflexión central aborda las relaciones entre la experiencia de extensión de la colectiva, caracterizada por la interseccionalidad, y el poder heterocisnormativo en la Universidad. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, utiliza diversas estrategias: memoria compartida, análisis documental, entrevistas, etc. Propone la reflexión sobre el lugar marginal de esa producción y la imposibilidad de, efectivamente, ocupar las posiciones hegemónicas, lo que sugiere la utilización del término guerrilla. El texto interroga a los actuales modelos de extensión popular al demostrar que la extensión puede también reproducir dimensiones de poder de la matriz heterosexual (Judith Butler) o invertir en una sociabilidad afectiva de (de)construcción de las formas tradicionales de saber, siempre marcada por el lugar de precariedad de las involucradas y de lo efímero de las experiencias en los espacios universitarios.

While LGBT studies have been problematizing normative categories of sexuality primarily in Western cultures, the status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals in non-Western societies remains understudied. This study examines the political attitudes toward LGBT individuals in Turkish society and explores the experiences of transgender individuals. While Turkey holds a strong economic position among Western countries, the situation of sexual minorities lags behind international standards. This study explores two research questions. First, what is the Turkish government's outlook for the LGBT community? Secondly, what kind of problems and challenges do trans-individuals experience in Turkey? This study first introduces a macro-level analysis of the politics of gender identity in Turkey by analyzing the debates of four deputies in the Turkish Parliament, each representing their parties' disparate viewpoints. Secondly, a micro-level analysis of previously collected interviews with twenty-five trans-individuals are also examined that shed light on the difficulties of being a trans-individual in Turkey. The content analysis shows that trans-individuals experience physical, sexual, and emotional violence, in addition to experiencing discrimination in employment, housing, and healthcare. The findings of this micro-level analysis elucidate the continuous discrimination, inequality, and violence that these individuals experience, while the macro-level analysis portrays the state's discriminatory policies toward LGBT individuals in Turkey.

Este artículo1 explora la producción de políticas reparativas en el movimiento de lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y trans en el Perú. Otorgando un protagonismo muchas veces negado al lugar de los afectos, se sostiene que las políticas reparativas son necesarias para la supervivencia de activistas y activismos LGBT. Además, se postula que las políticas reparativas habilitan posibilidades y alianzas inimaginables por las normas hegemónicas, radicalizando así el compromiso colectivo del movimiento LGBT por justicia social. ; This article explores the production of reparative politics in the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender movement in Peru. Paying close attention to the often ignored site of affections, it argues the necessity of reparative politics for the survival of both LGBT activists and activisms. Furthermore, it argues that reparative politics hold open the possibility for creating alliances previously unimaginable by hegemonic norms, thus radicalizing the LGBT movement's collective commitment to social justice.