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Although transnational surrogacy has received much criticism owing to racial and class issues, the U.S. media portrays domestic surrogacy with overwhelming positive languages by employing specific narrative frameworks. Accompanying this shift, it is not so surprising that the number of gestational carrier cycles have skyrocketed from 727 to 3,423 over the last decade. (Note 1) In particular, increase in the number of gay and single men looking for surrogacy has yielded more controversies. This paper asks the following questions: How does the documentary Made in Boise present surrogacy in the context of a broader debate over feminist and LGBT's positions? How are gay parents used in the altruism narrative framework to downplay exploitation of surrogacy? By providing insight into the intricate economic and power relationships between surrogate and a new emerging group of intended parents, my case study prompts broader questions such as: How to best document the most authentic narratives of the surrogates? How can feminist and LGBT scholars reconcile their viewpoints over surrogacy? These are pertinent questions concerning exploitation and coercion in the industry, thus influencing future feminists' studies on reproductive technology and politics.

Using videorecorded data from canvassing interviews between activists and voters in Los Angeles, this thesis examines the ideologies of sexuality that emerge in conversation through the interactive construction of argumentative reasoning and socio-semiotic processes of ideological representation. Analysis focuses on the discursive connections canvassers and voters draw between attitudes toward LGBT politics and beliefs about what causes a person to be gay or bisexual. In contrast to ideologies circulated by the mass media, the data demonstrate broad variation in how voters' stances on politics and morality are tied to their own presentations of self and whether they believe homosexuality is something people choose, are influenced toward, or are born with. Nonetheless, canvassers misrecognize this variation and generate restrictive ideological representations through processes of iconization, erasure, and dichotomic replication. In order to better promote LGBT political causes, I call on activists to rethink their persuasive strategies in light of these findings.

Since the early 1970s, an important but under-examined subgenre of Made-for-Television Movies have foregrounded critical LGBT concerns, including coming out, parental custody, HIV/AIDS, gays in the military, and hate crimes or featured affirmative LGBT representations. These programs, often highly-rated and critically-acclaimed, were nonetheless sites of political contestation from social conservatives and LGBT activists. Through the lenses of critical media pedagogy, critical cultural studies, and critical media industries studies, this dissertation conducts a critical cultural history of LGBT TV movies. This history includes critical case studies of twenty seminal LGBT programs featuring original interviews with the producers, executives, and writers responsible for their pedagogical design. The evidence reflects how these programs helped frame these concerns, educate audiences, and advocate on behalf of the LGBT community. This research further suggests how progressive pedagogues and media producers might collaborate to help address other social issues through the use of critical entertainment.

In Russia, the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) community continues to exist under the pressure of stigmatizing invisibility in the general public discourse, particularly in the mainstream media, which ignore issues related to the advancement of human rights for sexual minorities. In 2013 a nationwide ban on "the propaganda of sodomy, lesbianism, bisexualism, and transgenderness among minors" was passed. Designed to broadly cover any non-heterosexual relationships, it prohibits their positive representation. In effect, the ban seriously impedes any public campaigns, in media and otherwise, which aim at the support of the LGBT community. In this situation, the internet, still relatively unrestricted when compared to Russia's traditional media outlets, remains a privileged space for LGBT people to form communities to participate in a meaningful public conversation about their political and social status as well as to discuss a variety of everyday concerns in a fairly non-hostile environment. The present study focuses on a specific case, which is a LiveJournal-based Russian-language blogging community called AntiDogma. A loosely organized grassroots gathering of internet users, AntiDogma is conceived of as an issue public centered on LGBT- related topics and as a counterpublic sphere which positions itself against the dominant public sphere and the hostile discourses it hosts. This dissertation is primarily informed by the theory of the public sphere and considerations about the social functions of the mass media. It set out to analyze a versatile functionality of the AntiDogma blogging community including information and news producing function, function of deliberative community building, and mobilization and coordination function. A case-study approach allowed the examination of AntiDogma in its context, together with the accompanying political and social processes. Textual analysis along the lines of social constructivism captured discourses, themes, and messages communicated in AntiDogma. The ...

Este artículo analiza los contenidos producidos por la campaña ciberactivista #Votelgbt, surgida durante el período electoral brasileño de 2014, en redes de comunicación digital distribuida, y centrada en el aumento de la participación y representación política lgbt. El corpus se compone de publicaciones realizadas en página de la red social Facebook, durante los dos primeros momentos de actuación de la campaña (2014 y 2016). A partir del análisis de contenido bardiniano, se concluye que las principales intenciones de comunicación empleadas se volvieron a la sensibilización y convocatoria (llamada a la acción) de los electores, reflejando la legitimidad de las pautas y la importancia del compromiso en los procesos institucionales de participación. ; This paper analyzes the content produced by the #Votelgbt cyberactivist campaign, that emerged throughout the Brazilian election of 2014, in the digital communication networks distributed, aiming at increasing participation and political representation lgbt. The corpus is composed of publications carried out on the social network page Facebook, throughout the first two moments of the campaign (2014 and 2016). From the bardinian content analysis, we conclude that the main intentions of communication used were to raise awareness and convocation (call to action) of voters, reflecting the legitimacy of the agenda and the importance of involvement with the institutional processes of participation. ; Este artigo analisa os conteúdos produzidos pela campanha ciberativista #Votelgbt, surgida durante o pleito eleitoral brasileiro de 2014, em redes de comunicação digital distribuída, e centrada no aumento da participação e representação política lgbt. O corpus é composto por publicações realizadas em página da rede social Facebook, durante os dois primeiros momentos de atuação da campanha (2014 e 2016). A partir da análise de conteúdo bardiniana, conclui-se que as principais intenções de comunicação empregadas voltaram-se para a sensibilização e convocação (chamada à ação) dos eleitores, refletindo a legitimidade das pautas e a importància do envolvimento com os processos institucionais de participação.

Este artigo analisa os conteúdos produzidos pela campanha ciberativista #Votelgbt, surgida durante o pleito eleitoral brasileiro de 2014, em redes de comunicação digital distribuída, e centrada no aumento da participação e representação política lgbt. O corpus é composto por publicações realizadas em página da rede social Facebook, durante os dois primeiros momentos de atuação da campanha (2014 e 2016). A partir da análise de conteúdo bardiniana, conclui-se que as principais intenções de comunicação empregadas voltaram-se para a sensibilização e convocação (chamada à ação) dos eleitores, refletindo a legitimidade das pautas e a importância do envolvimento com os processos institucionais de participação. ; This paper analyzes the content produced by the #Votelgbt cyberactivist campaign, that emerged throughout the Brazilian election of 2014, in the digital communication networks distributed, aiming at increasing participation and political representation lgbt. The corpus is composed of publications carried out on the social network page Facebook, throughout the first two moments of the campaign (2014 and 2016). From the bardinian content analysis, we conclude that the main intentions of communication used were to raise awareness and convocation (call to action) of voters, reflecting the legitimacy of the agenda and the importance of involvement with the institutional processes of participation. ; Este artículo analiza los contenidos producidos por la campaña ciberactivista #Votelgbt, surgida durante el período electoral brasileño de 2014, en redes de comunicación digital distribuida, y centrada en el aumento de la participación y representación política lgbt. El corpus se compone de publicaciones realizadas en página de la red social Facebook, durante los dos primeros momentos de actuación de la campaña (2014 y 2016). A partir del análisis de contenido bardiniano, se concluye que las principales intenciones de comunicación empleadas se volvieron a la sensibilización y convocatoria (llamada a la acción) de los electores, reflejando la legitimidad de las pautas y la importancia del compromiso en los procesos institucionales de participación.

LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the social practice of queer film culture. They are places where social, political and economic discourses intersect and where LGBT/Q identities, representation through film, definitions of queer cinema, community and global queer politics are negotiated. The festivals themselves are constantly responding to the changing surroundings and demands from stakeholders such as their audience base, the communities they want to serve, and economic and political stakeholders. The versatile, ever evolving form of the festival speaks to its performative formation. Therefore, the concepts of performativity, the performative and performance lend themselves to the analysis of the mechanisms and processes at play there. This study, situated at the intersection of film and media studies, sociology and queer theory, builds its arguments on the interdisciplinary field of film festival studies, and sets out to argue for the value of applying the concepts of the performative, performativity and performance to the study of film festivals in general, and LGBT/Q film festivals in particular. As the discussion of the concepts in chapter 1 show, the performative as developed by Austin in language philosophy and its further transposition to performativity in the theorizations of philosophy and literature by Derrida, for gender/queer theory by Butler, and performance for ethnography by Turner, and in theater/performance studies by Fischer-Lichte and McKenzie provides a versatile analytical arsenal for the analysis of film festivals. At the same time it is highly compatible with other existing concepts and theorizations such as event, public sphere, and networks and flows that have already been canonically applied to festival studies. In chapter 2, I mobilize the historical dimension of the performative to discuss the formation of LGBT/Q film festivals and their circuit. There, I sketch out the historical development of the LGBT/Q film festival while paying attention also to the larger social, political, geographic, and economic contexts. The discursive historiography is accompanied by an empirical one, where I analyze the growth pattern and global spread of the LGBT/Q film festival circuit. Along with the global perspective, a discussion of US-American (Frameline, NewFest, MIX NYC), German (Lesbisch Schwule Filmtage Hamburg, Verzaubert, Berlinale Teddy Award) and Austrian (identities) case studies provides further depth in understanding the evolution of the festivals and the circuit. Having drawn a broad picture of the circuit in chapter 3, I zoom in to look at a number of specific incidents of disruption and boycotts as case studies to unravel the different layers in which LGBT/Q film festivals as instances of queer film culture are performed (or failed). In this chapter I mobilize mainly perspectives of performativity and performance from ethnography and performance studies. These are put in synch with concepts such as public spheres, audience address, and event culture in three steps: selection, exhibition, and reception. Under the heading of selection, I discuss the performance of queer cinema as it becomes visible in the practices of selection of films and their programming at LGBT/Q film festivals. There I discuss various processes involved in programming, ranging from pre-selection, to screening committees, to programming strategies. Two historical incidents from the history of Frameline, the "Lesbian Riot" and the "Genderator" incident, serve as examples of how programming directly interrelates with identity negotiations. In the section on exhibition, I turn to the performative architecture of an LGBT/Q film festival by shedding light on the event itself, which follows specific scripts and rituals. In the last section on reception, I look at the corresponding side of these processes and look at the audience. Here, I discuss the formation of a counterpublic sphere, audience address, and the specific reception context of a festival. Two further festival boycotts are presented to analyze how LGBT/Q film festivals operate as queer counterpublic spheres that activists utilize for political intervention. The last section discusses the communal experience of collective viewing and the impact on the formation of a festival community. With this take on audiences, community and reception contexts, the chapter returns to the question of how LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the practices of queer film culture, which was raised in the introduction. In the concluding outlook to the study I propose three further research trajectories. While the study mostly relied on conceptions of performativity and performance in the sense developed in ethnography, gender/queer theory and performance studies, another aspect of performance can be productively brought to bear on the subject of (LGBT/Q) film festivals: performance in the economic sense of efficiency and achievement.

This article presents an exploratory literature review of scientific publications (from 2000 to 2020) to identify how public policies for the LGBT population in Brazil are being discussed. The findings indicate that this subject is still emerging in the field of public administration. The study identified two distinct approaches used in the literature: articles that rely on the stages of the public policy cycle and articles based on the queer perspective. The articles identified that the main barriers to LGBT public policies in Brazil were: the lack of laws to protect the rights of this population; miscommunication between the state and civil society; budget shortage for the plans and programs; and lack of political representation. In addition, it was possible to observe that the articles converge when they refer to the presence and advancement of conservatism, specifically when it comes to religious segments, characterizing it as a common barrier to enforce LGBT rights. ; Este artículo presenta una revisión exploratoria de la literatura de publicaciones científicas (de 2000 a 2020) para identificar cómo se están discutiendo las políticas públicas para la población LGBT en Brasil. Los resultados indican que esta discusión aún está en desarrollo en el campo de estudio de la administración pública. Fue posible identificar dos enfoques distintos que tipifican los textos en dos categorías principales: artículos que se basan en las etapas del ciclo de las políticas públicas y artículos basados en la perspectiva queer. Las principales barreras presentadas en los artículos a las políticas públicas LGBT en Brasil fueron: la falta de leyes que protejan los derechos de esta población; mala comunicación entre el Estado y la sociedad civil; escasez de presupuesto para los planes y programas; y falta de representación política en el entorno LGBT. Además, se observó que los artículos convergen cuando se refieren a la presencia y el avance del conservadurismo, específicamente cuando se trata de segmentos religiosos, lo que se caracteriza como una barrera común para hacer cumplir los derechos LGBT. ; Este trabalho apresenta uma revisão exploratória da literatura sobre publicações científicas (entre os anos 2000 e 2020) a fim de identificar como as políticas públicas voltadas à população LGBT no Brasil estão sendo discutidas. O levantamento realizado aponta que tal discussão ainda se apresenta de forma emergente no campo de administração pública. Foi possível identificar no corpus da pesquisa dois eixos de abordagem sobre os quais os textos podem ser tipificados: aqueles com discussão centrada em etapas do ciclo de políticas públicas e outros com debate apoiado na perspectiva queer. Os principais pontos apresentados como entraves às políticas públicas LGBT no Brasil foram: a falta de leis que resguardem os direitos dessa população; falhas na interlocução entre Estado e sociedade civil; falta de previsão orçamentária para os planos e programas; e falta de representação política no meio LGBT. Além do já exposto, foi observada convergência entre os artigos ao se referirem sobre a presença e avanço do conservadorismo, especificamente aquele protagonizado por segmentos religiosos, caracterizando-o como habitual empecilho na efetivação dos direitos LGBT.

Situational contexts vary substantially across the country. This variation provides conditionswhere a subset of the American public may be exposed to situations that others arenot. How do contexts affect the politics of minority groups? In this dissertation, I examinehow the politics of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people are situated by differing contextsacross the United States. I examine how LGB presence aects and conditions the approvalof the mass public. I examine the mechanism this influence bears on representative behavior in Congress. I finally examine how varying contexts uniquely affects some LGBs over others. In total, I find that varying contexts situate the political positions of LGB peopledifferently. This results in unique conditions where LGB people are politically ininfluentialand cohesive.

Making it Better: LGBT Youth and New Pedagogies of Media Production turns a critical eye toward the common utilization of digital media production as identity work, community building and as part of an ongoing effort to garner resources for LGBT youth in the early 2000s. The project interrogates the deep imbrications between a politics of visibility and the valuation of youth video production as an inherently emancipatory practice. Based on participatory action research with a community of LGBT teen filmmakers in a weekly media workshop, I examine the dynamics of the group's video production choices in response to a national corporation's prompt to produce an anti-gay-bullying public service announcement. This in- situ approach enables me to detail how adult expectations for youth to produce media content may ultimately mask resource needs and homogenize representations of the LGBT youth population. Contrasting prominent discourses that describe this generation of young people as "digital natives" who express themselves most naturally through their media use, and youth access to media production technologies as a primary concern, I suggest new approaches to youth media pedagogy that account for a more complex relationship to production. The study offers a nuanced theorization of media practice that emphasizes intersubjective exchange during the production process as a priority over the creation of specific types of content thought to be empowering for its producers

This study is aimed at investigating the representation of LGBT in the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe and revealing hidden ideologies embedded in the representations. This study more specifically focuses on identifying how the two media deploy transitivity choices in reporting LGBT and gaining representational meanings from the transitivity choices. This study employs the qualitative method and transitivity analysis under the framework of Fairclough's three-dimensional approach (1989). The study reveals that the Jakarta post tends to represent LGBT as a more passive participant in a way that certain circumstances shape them as a discriminated and intimidated group by several religious groups, society and government officials, therefore this position has caused Human Rights activists and several government officials to defend them. The media also depict LGBT as an acceptable identity and acknowledged phenomenon in Indonesia. On the other hand, Jakarta Globe tends to represent LGBT as a more active participant that they are given more space to express their sufferings and struggles that trigger them to claim their own rights through their active involvement in anti-LGBT discussions and the support provided by Human Rights activists. The findings suggest that the two media are struggling to promote democratic values in attempts to contribute to establishing LGBT acceptance in Indonesia (the Jakarta Post) and critiquing the discrimination as a means of ending intimidation against LGBT (Jakarta Globe). AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendapatkan makna representasi dari pilihan transitivitas yang digunakan oleh laporan berita The Jakarta Post dan Jakarta Globe dalam mewartakan kasus LGBT dan mengungkapkanideologi yang mendasari representasi tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan analisis transitivitas di bawah kerangka pendekatan tiga dimensi Fairclough (1989). Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa The Jakarta Post cenderung merepresentasikan LGBT sebagai partisipan yang lebih pasif sehingga keadaan tertentu membentuk mereka sebagai kelompok yang terdiskriminasi dan terintimidasi oleh beberapa kelompok agama, masyarakat, dan pejabat pemerintah; dengan demikian, posisi ini menyebabkan aktivis HAM dan beberapa pejabat pemerintah membela mereka. Media juga menggambarkan LGBT sebagai identitas berterima dan fenomena yang diakui di Indonesia. Di sisi lain, Jakarta Globe cenderung merepresentasikan LGBT sebagai partisipan yang lebih aktif sehingga mereka diberikan ruang lebih untuk mengekspresikan penderitaan dan pergulatan mereka yang memicu mereka untuk mengklaim hak mereka melalui keterlibatan aktif dalam diskusi anti-LGBT dan dukungan yang diberikan oleh aktivis HAM. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa kedua media berupaya mendorong nilai-nilai demokratis sebagai usaha untuk berkontribusi dalam menumbuhkan penerimaan terhadap LGBT di Indonesia (The Jakarta Post) dan mengkritik diskriminasi untuk menghentikan intimidasi terhadap LGBT (Jakarta Globe).

The purpose of this study is to discover positive-self and negative-other representations of Brunei's Sharia Law on LGBT through the lexical choices used by the New Strait Times and Bangkok Post also reveals the ideology from both of the media. This study uses a qualitative approach with critical discourse analysis as the research design. Following Van Dijk's analytical framework, the words were selected and classified into word class, type of meaning (lexical or contextual), and category (positive or negative). Ideology from both media is obtained from the cognition analysis of the journalist's expression based on the co-text, context, and social context (social condition). The result showed that both media used lexical choices that indicate positive representation of LGBT by stating LGBT as victims, while negative representation on Brunei's Government, Muslim, and Sharia law as a persecutor. There were four methods in indicating the positive representation of LGBT; noun/noun phrase representation, detailed information on a noun, verb indicating accusation, and verb indicating discrimination; also there were three methods used to indicate negative representation of Brunei's Government, Muslim, and Sharia law; noun/ noun phrase representation, verb indicating negative actions, and verb indicating provocations.

The politics of gay and transgender visibility and representation at the Eurovision Song Contest, an annual televised popular music festival presented to viewers as a contest between European nations, show that processes of interest to Queer International Relations do not just involve states or even international institutions; national and transnational popular geopolitics over 'LGBT rights' and 'Europeanness' equally constitute the understandings of 'the international' with which Queer IR is concerned. Building on Cynthia Weber's reading the persona of the 2014 Eurovision winner Conchita Wurst with 'queer intellectual curiosity', this paper demonstrates that Eurovision shifted from, in the late 1990s, an emerging site of gay and trans visibility to, by 2008–14, part of a larger discursive circuit taking in international mega-events like the Olympics, international human-rights advocacy, Europe/Russia relations, and the politics of state homophobia and transphobia. Contest organisers thus had to take positions – ranging from detachment to celebration – about 'LGBT' politics in host states and the Eurovision region. The construction of spatio-temporal hierarchies around attitudes to LGBT rights, however, revealed exclusions that corroborate other critical arguments on the reconfiguration of national and European identities around 'LGBT equality'.

The notion of 'gay' has been interpreted by popular culture in Portugal to stem from a liberalization of individual practices and beliefs in the realm of sexual culture in general. As such, sexual orientation is commonly conflated with a cultural trend linked to modernity, in opposition to recognizing it as a constitutive element of sexual citizenship and the related set of rights it entails. This often unnoticed conflation obliterates significant socio-historical changes and the role played by an array of institutions and agents that contributed to those changes. In this article, the political and social history of homosexuality throughout the twentieth century will be the departure point to examine issues of impact and change in relation to the cultural representation of lesbians and gay men in the public sphere. Media reports of LGBT events throughout the 1990s and early 2000s will be considered a key indicator of cultural representation of sexual diversity. From criminalization to same-sex marriage, the article critically interrogates the extent to which formal change has translated into more inclusive notions of sexual justice regardless of sexual orientation.

This chapter constitutes the first attempt at examining the extent to which the diversity represented in Iberian legislatures reflects the existing diversity in the population, a crucial dimension on which to evaluate the quality of democracy. Drawing on original biographical data of MPs, our survey of diversity looks at gender, age, ethnicity, sexuality and ableness, and it pays attention to the intersection of gender with these markers of identity. The results show that, whereas women's presence has significantly increased in the last decade, the other minority groups remain remarkably underrepresented. Crossparty differences are rather small, with the exception of the tendency for left-wing parties to include more LGBT MPs and younger MPs. Our exploratory analysis also indicates that gender interacts with the above mentioned markers of identity in specific ways. Men MPs outnumber women MPs in all social groups (migrant origin and ethnic minority, LGBT, and disability) but youth. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion