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"LGBT Politics and the Legislative Process" published on by Oxford University Press.

1. Introduction: Language and Sexuality Studies Are Crucial for Inclusive Education -- Part I. Heteronormativity in Learning Materials -- 2. Foreign Language Textbooks and Degrees of Heteronormativity: Representation and Consumption -- 3. Foreign Language Learning and Sexuality-Related Inclusion: A Multimodal Analysis of Representational Practices in the German Textbook Series Navi Englisch -- 4. Heteronormativity and Dictionaries: A Look Back -- Part II. Welcoming Marginalised Voices in the Classroom -- 5. Silences in Spanish Early Childhood Education and Strategies for Inclusion of Marginalized Voices -- 6. Queer Voices in the ESOL Classroom -- Part III. Beyond the Binary -- 7. Transgender Identities in Writing Classes -- 8. The Language of Invisibilization: EFL Students' Inquiry into Male-Directed Sexual Violence -- Part IV. Exploring Intervention: Theory vis-a-vis Practice -- 9. Queering Timespace in Educational Literacy Practices in Socially Fascist Brazil: An Interventionist-Performative Approach -- 10. Polish LGBT Teachers Talking Sexuality: Glocalized Discourses -- 11. Queering TESOL in International Learning Contexts -- Part V. Beyond Academia: Recommendations for Practitioners -- 12. Changing Perspectives on LGBT Representation in ELT Textbooks -- 13. Reflections on the Co-development of ESOL Teaching Material Exploring LGBT Lives -- 14. Introducing LGBTQ+ Issues: Dynamic Classroom Negotiations for ELT Practitioners.

Storytelling serves as a vital resource for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans* (LGBT) refugees' access to asylum. It is through telling their personal stories to the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board that LGBT refugees' claims for asylum are accessed and granted. Storytelling also serves as a mechanism for LGBT refugees to speak about social injustice within and outside of Canada. In this article, I explore the challenges of storytelling and social justice as an activist and scholar. I focus on three contexts where justice and injustice interplay in LGBT refugee storytelling: the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board, public advocacy around anti-queer violence and refugee rights, and oral history research. I describe how in each arena storytelling can be a powerful tool of justice for LGBT refugees to validate their truths and bring their voices to the forefront in confronting state and public violence. I investigate how these areas can also inflict their own injustices on LGBT refugees by silencing their voices and reproducing power hierarchies.

Since the early 1970s, an important but under-examined subgenre of Made-for-Television Movies have foregrounded critical LGBT concerns, including coming out, parental custody, HIV/AIDS, gays in the military, and hate crimes or featured affirmative LGBT representations. These programs, often highly-rated and critically-acclaimed, were nonetheless sites of political contestation from social conservatives and LGBT activists. Through the lenses of critical media pedagogy, critical cultural studies, and critical media industries studies, this dissertation conducts a critical cultural history of LGBT TV movies. This history includes critical case studies of twenty seminal LGBT programs featuring original interviews with the producers, executives, and writers responsible for their pedagogical design. The evidence reflects how these programs helped frame these concerns, educate audiences, and advocate on behalf of the LGBT community. This research further suggests how progressive pedagogues and media producers might collaborate to help address other social issues through the use of critical entertainment.

"LGBT People as a Relatively Politically Powerless Group" published on by Oxford University Press.

South Korea does not have a strong and visible lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender social movement in the public, despite active issue advocacy organizations, political representation from the Democratic Labour Party, and popular television shows that portray LGBT characters and themes. The LGBT movement has had a difficult time growing in South Korea because, as some have argued South Korea has long been ignorant about homosexuality and awareness of 'gay' had not been discovered until the early 1990s. I will look at three causal reasons that best describe the dearth of a growing social movement pushing for LGBT rights.

This article explores the substantive representation of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in party manifestos in general elections and regional elections in the United Kingdom, 1945–2011. The findings show that while there is some evidence of progress, there is also significant variation in the attention that parties afford to LGBT issues, and a general failure to fully apply international principles and mainstreaming theory in election programmes. It is argued that an 'asymmetrical electoral bargain' applies: parties increasingly court LGBT voters yet often do so in a reductive and limited manner. This suggests that elements of institutionally homophobic practice endure in contemporary electoral politics.

LGBT transnational documentary "Becoming" / Christopher Pullen -- Trauma and triumph: documenting Middle Eastern gender and sexual minorities in film and television / Rebecca Beirne, Samar Habib -- Transsexual in Iran: a fatwa for freedom? / Sahar Bluck -- Sub-Saharan African sexualities, transnational HIV/AIDS educational film and the question of queerness / David Oscar Harvey -- The floating/fleeting spectacle of transformation: queer carnival, gay pride and the renegotiation of postapartheid identities / Ernst van der Wal -- The Argentinean movement for same-sex marriage / Margaret Cooper -- The politics of reclaiming identity: representing the Mak Nyahs in Bukak Api / Andrew Hock Soon Ng -- Queer (im)possibilities: Alaa Al-Aswany's and Wahid Hamed's The Yacoubian building / Stephanie Selvick -- Andrew Salkey, James Baldwin and the case of the "leading aberrant": early gay narratives in the British media / Kate Houlden -- The exotic erotic: queer representations in the context of post-colonial ethnicity on British TV / Peri Bradley -- Documenting the queer Indian: the question of queer identification in Khush and Happy hookers / Bryce J. Renninger -- Screening queer India in Pratibha Parmar's Khush / Daniel Farr, Jennifer Gauthier -- Gay pornography as Latin American queer historiography / Gustavo Subero -- Quo vadis, queer vato? Queer and loathing in Latino cinema / Richard Reitsma -- Queer art of parallaxed document: visual discourse of docudrag in Kutluǧ Ataman's Never my soul! (2001) / Çüneyt Cakirlar -- The drag queers the s/he binary: subversion of heteronormativity in Turkish context / Serkan Ertin -- If art imitated reality: George Takei, coming out, and the insufferably straight Star Trek universe / Bruce E. Drushel -- A Chinese queer discourse: camp and alternative desires in the films of Yon Fan and Lou Ye / Jason Ho Ka-Hang

This article analyses media representations of LGBT social movements, taking the case of Saint Petersburg LGBT pride parades. The analysis is developed through the use of framing theory, which views the media as an arena where interest groups promote their own interpretations of particular issues. Frames juxtapose elements of the text in such a way as to provide the audience with a scheme within which to perceive the message. Social movements are viewed as interest groups that introduce new frames in public debate. Two types of frames can be distinguished: collective action frames and status quo frames. In this study, the usage of two collective action frames (equality frame and victim frame), and two status quo frames (morality frame and propaganda promoting homosexuality frame) were examined. Additionally, the sources of quotes used in news stories were analyzed. The study focuses on articles dedicated to Saint Petersburg LGBT pride marches in the years 2010–2017 in the most popular local Internet websites. The analysis shows that the coverage of LGBT pride marches can be divided into two distinct periods: 2010–2013 and 2014–2017. In the first period, LGBT activists dominated the coverage, quoted about twice as much as government officials. Equality and victim frames were prevalent. In the second period, activists were cited significantly less often, with the propaganda promoting homosexuality frame dominating the discourse. However, contrary to findings of previous studies on social movement representation, across the whole period under consideration, LGBT activists were quoted more often than government representatives. This finding calls for a further exploration of the conditions which allowed for such coverage in the context of political heterosexism and homophobia.

In Russia, the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) community continues to exist under the pressure of stigmatizing invisibility in the general public discourse, particularly in the mainstream media, which ignore issues related to the advancement of human rights for sexual minorities. In 2013 a nationwide ban on "the propaganda of sodomy, lesbianism, bisexualism, and transgenderness among minors" was passed. Designed to broadly cover any non-heterosexual relationships, it prohibits their positive representation. In effect, the ban seriously impedes any public campaigns, in media and otherwise, which aim at the support of the LGBT community. In this situation, the internet, still relatively unrestricted when compared to Russia's traditional media outlets, remains a privileged space for LGBT people to form communities to participate in a meaningful public conversation about their political and social status as well as to discuss a variety of everyday concerns in a fairly non-hostile environment. The present study focuses on a specific case, which is a LiveJournal-based Russian-language blogging community called AntiDogma. A loosely organized grassroots gathering of internet users, AntiDogma is conceived of as an issue public centered on LGBT- related topics and as a counterpublic sphere which positions itself against the dominant public sphere and the hostile discourses it hosts. This dissertation is primarily informed by the theory of the public sphere and considerations about the social functions of the mass media. It set out to analyze a versatile functionality of the AntiDogma blogging community including information and news producing function, function of deliberative community building, and mobilization and coordination function. A case-study approach allowed the examination of AntiDogma in its context, together with the accompanying political and social processes. Textual analysis along the lines of social constructivism captured discourses, themes, and messages communicated in AntiDogma. The ...

Este artículo analiza los contenidos producidos por la campaña ciberactivista #Votelgbt, surgida durante el período electoral brasileño de 2014, en redes de comunicación digital distribuida, y centrada en el aumento de la participación y representación política lgbt. El corpus se compone de publicaciones realizadas en página de la red social Facebook, durante los dos primeros momentos de actuación de la campaña (2014 y 2016). A partir del análisis de contenido bardiniano, se concluye que las principales intenciones de comunicación empleadas se volvieron a la sensibilización y convocatoria (llamada a la acción) de los electores, reflejando la legitimidad de las pautas y la importancia del compromiso en los procesos institucionales de participación. ; This paper analyzes the content produced by the #Votelgbt cyberactivist campaign, that emerged throughout the Brazilian election of 2014, in the digital communication networks distributed, aiming at increasing participation and political representation lgbt. The corpus is composed of publications carried out on the social network page Facebook, throughout the first two moments of the campaign (2014 and 2016). From the bardinian content analysis, we conclude that the main intentions of communication used were to raise awareness and convocation (call to action) of voters, reflecting the legitimacy of the agenda and the importance of involvement with the institutional processes of participation. ; Este artigo analisa os conteúdos produzidos pela campanha ciberativista #Votelgbt, surgida durante o pleito eleitoral brasileiro de 2014, em redes de comunicação digital distribuída, e centrada no aumento da participação e representação política lgbt. O corpus é composto por publicações realizadas em página da rede social Facebook, durante os dois primeiros momentos de atuação da campanha (2014 e 2016). A partir da análise de conteúdo bardiniana, conclui-se que as principais intenções de comunicação empregadas voltaram-se para a sensibilização e convocação (chamada à ação) dos eleitores, refletindo a legitimidade das pautas e a importància do envolvimento com os processos institucionais de participação.

Este artigo analisa os conteúdos produzidos pela campanha ciberativista #Votelgbt, surgida durante o pleito eleitoral brasileiro de 2014, em redes de comunicação digital distribuída, e centrada no aumento da participação e representação política lgbt. O corpus é composto por publicações realizadas em página da rede social Facebook, durante os dois primeiros momentos de atuação da campanha (2014 e 2016). A partir da análise de conteúdo bardiniana, conclui-se que as principais intenções de comunicação empregadas voltaram-se para a sensibilização e convocação (chamada à ação) dos eleitores, refletindo a legitimidade das pautas e a importância do envolvimento com os processos institucionais de participação. ; This paper analyzes the content produced by the #Votelgbt cyberactivist campaign, that emerged throughout the Brazilian election of 2014, in the digital communication networks distributed, aiming at increasing participation and political representation lgbt. The corpus is composed of publications carried out on the social network page Facebook, throughout the first two moments of the campaign (2014 and 2016). From the bardinian content analysis, we conclude that the main intentions of communication used were to raise awareness and convocation (call to action) of voters, reflecting the legitimacy of the agenda and the importance of involvement with the institutional processes of participation. ; Este artículo analiza los contenidos producidos por la campaña ciberactivista #Votelgbt, surgida durante el período electoral brasileño de 2014, en redes de comunicación digital distribuida, y centrada en el aumento de la participación y representación política lgbt. El corpus se compone de publicaciones realizadas en página de la red social Facebook, durante los dos primeros momentos de actuación de la campaña (2014 y 2016). A partir del análisis de contenido bardiniano, se concluye que las principales intenciones de comunicación empleadas se volvieron a la sensibilización y convocatoria (llamada a la acción) de los electores, reflejando la legitimidad de las pautas y la importancia del compromiso en los procesos institucionales de participación.