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Even in the best of times, LGBT individuals have legal vulnerabilities in employment, housing, healthcare and other domains resulting from a combination of persistent bias and uneven protection against discrimination. In this time of COVID-19, these vulnerabilities combine to amplify both the legal and health risks that LGBT people face. This essay focuses on several risks that are particularly linked to being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender, with the recognition that these vulnerabilities are often intensified by discrimination based on race, ethnicity, age, disability, immigration status and other aspects of identity. Topics include: 1) federal withdrawal of antidiscrimination protections; 2) heightened health risks and vulnerabilities seeking healthcare; 3) family recognition and COVID-19; 4) employment discrimination; and 5) populations at special risk. It also bears noting at the outset that LGBT people already have close and long-lasting experience with HIV/AIDS, which has been described by many as a pandemic and which brought with it enduring stigma and many forms of discrimination and other harms. Even Dr. Anthony Fauci, who is a new hero to many Americans for his clarity in press briefings on COVID-19, is a familiar presence for AIDS activists because of his role in the 1980s and 90s as a leader of the federal government's response to HIV/AIDS.

Around the worlds, LGBT rights are a matter of discussion and some of the rights have been arranged for the community. But, the rural areas in Bhutan, hardly any discussion of LGBT issues is noted. Although, the community found speaking up for their rights with the help of media and social media. The provisions of section 213 and 214 of the Bhutanese Penal Code which criminalized "unnatural sex" or "homosexuality" omitted on 10th of December 2020, by the joint sitting of both houses of Bhutan's parliament after prolonged intensive campaigns by activists, advocates and by the individuals belonging to the LGBT community themselves. Despite the amendments, homosexuality still considered a taboo subject in conservative religious Bhutanese society, this has made the lives of the members of LGBT community hard and unworthy of living. There is hardly any discussion of LGBT issues in the rural areas in Bhutan as they think that sexual orientations of that kind is against the order of nature. This paper for displaying a true picture about the lives and rights of the members of LGBT community prior to and after decriminalizing homosexuality and suggest suitable changes in the existing system to ensure rights to the community in Bhutan with the help of doctrinal and non- doctrinal methodology.

Europe matters to contemporary LGBTQ politics. This chapter maps out various political articulations connecting Europe and LGBT rights today, arguing that Europe has played a central role in much of the LGBTQ movement's history but that this relationship is complex and multifaceted depending on the vast space of what "Europe" means to many different actors. In other words, Europe has been imagined and unimagined as LGBTQ-friendly by various actors and for various purposes. In making this argument the chapter presents "Europe" from four different angles, exploring the association between the continent and "LGBT rights" in each: Europe as an institutional entity, Europe as an activist project, Europe as exclusionary, and Europe as a threat. It takes a position on how the relationship is defined in each section, highlighting both the opportunity and risk that entails for LGBT rights and people on the continent. In doing so, the chapter highlights the ways European states and institutions have gradually endorsed some activist goals, embedding LGBT rights into the version of Europe understood as an institutional entity. Problematically, however, it shows that this project also generates different forms of exclusion. Moreover, while many actors articulate an idea of Europe as associated with LGBT rights, these actors also compete to define the nature and the content of this association. Europe as an idea is thus multifaceted in its relation to LGBTQ politics, depending on the angle from which it is viewed.

With the rejection of claims made by LGBT movements in many states, and amidst a global politics marred by exclusionary populism and nationalism, LGBT rights are increasingly contradicted on the world stage. This chapter explores the tensions between the transnational diffusion of LGBT rights and a "traditional values" politics championed by an emerging global opposition – as well as LGBT activists' instrumental reframing and translation of "traditional values" and "family values" norms as a direct response. This chapter analyzes how LGBT rights advocacy, within distinct contexts, innovatively addresses these imagined contradictions in rights. It is this process that comes into play when contested rights clash with the arguments of rival movements and global counter norms. Faced with competing claims about new norms governing sexuality – especially those that problematically conflate sexual rights with the external imposition of "Western" power over the "vulnerable" states – local LGBT activists respond with the practice of translation.

Rights for LGBT people are a recent arrival in the international political sphere. While some countries in Europe and the Western Hemisphere have gaurnteed rights for LGBT people, many African and Asian countries have not gaurnteed these same rights. In Russia, an ingenuine push for democracy has resulted in an authoritarian state under the guise of democracy. Political legitimacy looms as a pressing issue for Vladimir Putin, and LGBT rights are one of the casualties in this quest to have his government be seen as just. Close ties with the Russian Orthodox Church, Russian public opinion of LGBT people, and well as persistent anti-Western rhetoric, force Putin to oppose rights for LGBT people. This paper explores the link between these factors, LGBT rights, and government legitimacy, and argues that Putin must oppose the rights of LGBT people in order to maintain legitimacy as the President of Russia.

Ayoub, Phillip M. (2018). Protean Power in Movement: Navigating Uncertainty in the LGBT Rights Revolution, in: Katzenstein, Peter J./Seybert, Lucia A. (eds.): Protean Power: Exploring the Uncertain and Unexpected in World Politics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 79–99, https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/protean-power/protean-power-in-movement-navigating-uncertainty-in-the-lgbt-rights-revolution/127FF35DC2D818AD22F5005844187098

At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of "Europe" – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like "equality", "rights", "inclusion", and even "democracy" is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations' views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of "deserving" LGBT* workers.

This article discusses the case of refugees who are LGBT, and the possible grounds for using LGBT status as a basis for prioritizing LGBT persons in refugee admissions. I argue that those states most willing and able to protect LGBT persons against a variety of (also) non-asylum-grounding injustices have strong moral reasons to admit and prioritize refugees with LGBT status over non-LGBT refugees in refugee admissions. These states – typically, Western liberal democracies – are uniquely positioned to provide effective protection for refugees who are LGBT, owing to the failures of other, also refugee receiving, states to do so. The case for prioritizing refugees with LGBT status is built upon two interrelated factors. First, on the specific vulnerability of LGBT persons to a variety of (also) non-asylum-grounding injustices, and second, on the relatively low number of countries that are both willing and able to protect LGBT persons against such injustices.

What novel political spaces emerge at the intersections of global HIV/AIDS interventions and LGBT rights movements? As discrimination and stigma become the targets of global health initiatives, how do communities affected by HIV/AIDS position themselves towards notions of rights? And what is the social and political afterlife of rights-based initiatives after they are defunded or cease to exist? These are the central research questions posed in the dissertation. To address them, I conducted six months of preliminary fieldwork and fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in 2012-2015 among gay and transgender communities in the upper Amazonian state of San Martín in Peru. Through data collection techniques that included participant observation and interviews, I examined the social and political effects of a rights-based HIV/AIDS intervention for gay and transgender communities in the region. Among these communities, I found the peche concept to be particularly meaningful. The peche referred to the small gifts that gay and transgender people exchanged for the company, affection, and sex with heterosexual men. While sometimes construed as either a risky sexual practice in HIV/AIDS-related research or considered disempowering by LGBT activists, I found that the peche had historical depth and social extension. I problematize these narratives by developing the concept of peche politics to analyze the political practices that emerged in San Martín among the communities I studied. I situate these practices, such as addressing discrimination and homophobia through formal grievances or recounting and transmitting stories of the internal armed conflict, at the confluence of local myths about sexuality, national histories of violence and human rights, and global health initiatives. In my conclusion, I rethink the local, national, and global scales of this research and propose a hemispheric imaginary to open new analytical possibilities, especially in the moments when global structures of HIV/AIDS initiatives and LGBT rights recede.

This paper explores an anomaly in gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights policy, laws allowing transsexual individuals to amend their birth certificates. Unlike most other LGBT rights policies, these statutes are often found in Southern and other conservative states. In fact, these laws are found in half of the Southern states. The array of states with these laws does not conform to the traditional pattern of morality politics laws that is commonly associated with LGBT rights. Using a Cox non-proportional hazards model, we find that the adoption of these laws was influenced by vertical diffusion of the Centers for Disease Control's model vital records recommendations. States with more professionalized bureaucracies, like Virginia and Georgia, were more likely to implement these recommended best practices. However, as transgender rights became more closely associated with the gay rights advocacy movement, this issue likely resembles morality policy. The result being that liberal and conservative elites respond to these policies in predictable manners. Notably, the political opportunity structure in Southern states has not allowed the passage of this type of statute since the incorporation of transgender rights into the LGBT social movement during the mid-1990s.

Russia's anti-LGBT Mizulina Law, named after its author, Elena Mizulina, was signed into law on June 29, 2013 by President Vladimir Putin. The law, which has since been dubbed the 'gay propaganda law' is aimed at "protecting children from information promoting the denial of traditional family values" and bans "promotion of nontraditional sexual relations to minors," thus prohibiting children from accessing information about the LGBT community through the press, television, and internet. Those found to be disobeying this law can face fines of ₽5,000, and organizations can face up to ₽1,000,000 in penalties, or even a temporary suspension of their activities. Though these fines may seem quite large, even harsher repercussions can be faced if the law is defied through mass media, like the internet, and tourists can face deportation. While this hostility towards LGBT Russians is not uncommon, the law also affects the accessibility of educational and other social support services to LGBT youth. As a result, both children and adults have faced tremendous harm, and horrific treatment of LGBT Russians has notably increased. Most devastatingly, however, secret detention camps for homosexual men in Chechnya have been created, serving as another means through which the Russian government can perpetuate injustice. In its investigation of Russian and Chechnyan history, this Article demystifies the atmosphere that led to the passage of the gay propaganda law and its harsh implementation.

LGBT rights have expanded unevenly across Latin America and the Caribbean. Recent scholarship has been able to explain some of the reasons for this unevenness. But new and old questions remain unaddressed. This article suggests areas for further research. Resumen: Los derechos LGBT en la política de América Latina y el Caribe: Agendas para la investigación Los derechos LGBT han proliferado en América Latina y el Caribe de modo disparejo. Varios estudios académicos recientes han logrado explicar las razones de dicho crecimiento disparejo. Sin embargo, existen todavía preguntas sin responder al igual que nuevas preguntas por contestar. Este artículo sugiere algunas áreas que ameritan más investigación.

Grounded in ongoing fieldwork inside Myanmar and amongst exiled Burmese communities, this article provides the first detailed account of the legal and human rights status of sexual orientation and gender identity minorities in Myanmar, with a focus on the abuses that they suffer. It also examines how Burmese activists overcame repressive laws to form an indigenous LGBT rights movement that has flourished since the start of the country's recent political transition. The research thus sheds light not only on future challenges for LGBT rights activism, but also on the broader political mobilization of human rights in a changing Myanmar. The research also has implications for states during democratic transition. ; The first author was funded by the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grant, National University of Singapore, and the second author was funded by an Australian Postgraduate Award.

Grounded in ongoing fieldwork inside Myanmar and amongst exiled Burmese communities, this article provides the first detailed account of the legal and human rights status of sexual orientation and gender identity minorities in Myanmar, with a focus on the abuses that they suffer. It also examines how Burmese activists overcame repressive laws to form an indigenous LGBT rights movement that has flourished since the start of the country's recent political transition. The research thus sheds light not only on future challenges for LGBT rights activism, but also on the broader political mobilization of human rights in a changing Myanmar. The research also has implications for states during democratic transition. ; The first author was funded by the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grant, National University of Singapore, and the second author was funded by an Australian Postgraduate Award.

The purpose of this article is to assess the U.S. influence on the public perceptions towards LGBT+ people in Bulgaria. The research design incorporates several variables collected through in-person observations and comparative analysis of case studies. In this paper, we try to explain the increasing American influence and the gender aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy in the Balkans. To offer a more detailed analysis, we have employed an approach that compares the liberal wave in the United States, which advocates LGBT+ rights, to the conservative movements that promote homophobia under the guise of Eastern European traditions. The article argues that the debate about LGBT+ rights in Bulgaria mirrors the striking political and ideological polarization, which divides contemporary American society. Our study asserts that the public debate in Bulgaria reflects the neo-conservative attitudes of Russia and Moscow's contradictory policy of sexual discrimination. Finally, we conclude that the United States also exercises significant cultural and political influence, not to say pressure, on the Bulgarian political elite to recognize the freedoms of LGBT+ people, which triggers a backlash and favors right-wing populist movements. We begin with a short critical review of the contemporary trends in the anti-LGBT+ rhetoric in Bulgaria. Then, we examine the most relevant official and unofficial American positions about sexual discrimination to assess the impact of the U.S. influence. Finally, we conclude with a qualitative analysis of reliable sources from the Bulgarian media. Keywords: gender, policy, Bulgaria, United States, rights