Suchergebnisse

International audience ; La manière dans laquelle se sont articulées les nouvelles revendications du mouvement LGBTI dans les pays occidentaux, à partir de la fin des années 1980, correspond à un changement de paradigme sur la mobilisation politique, dû à la fois à l'irruption du sida et à la croissante globalisation. Ce changement peut, en effet, s'expliquer à la fois par l'urgence instaurée par l'irruption du VIH et par la fin de l'utopie révolutionnaire, fruit de la mondialisation post-communiste. Ces situations ont entraîné des nouvelles formes de mobilisation pour des nouvelles revendications.Si les mouvements sociaux des années 1970 aspirent à la Révolution, ceux des années 1990 tendent à l'intégration, non pas tant pour des raisons idéologiques que pour des contraintes pratiques. L'homosexuel cesse d'être un sujet politique (tel qu'il fut décrit par Daniel Guérin dans son livre Homosexualité et Révolution en 1983) et l'homosexualité n'est plus un instrument au service de l'utopie révolutionnaire, comme le prônait Guy Hocquenghem (Le désir Homosexuel, 1972), pour devenir un sujet de droit dans le cadre d'une revendication formulée dans des termes juridiques. De surcroit, le fait que l'OMS supprime l'homosexualité de la liste des maladies mentales en 1990, a surement contribué à cette démarche pragmatique.

International audience ; La manière dans laquelle se sont articulées les nouvelles revendications du mouvement LGBTI dans les pays occidentaux, à partir de la fin des années 1980, correspond à un changement de paradigme sur la mobilisation politique, dû à la fois à l'irruption du sida et à la croissante globalisation. Ce changement peut, en effet, s'expliquer à la fois par l'urgence instaurée par l'irruption du VIH et par la fin de l'utopie révolutionnaire, fruit de la mondialisation post-communiste. Ces situations ont entraîné des nouvelles formes de mobilisation pour des nouvelles revendications.Si les mouvements sociaux des années 1970 aspirent à la Révolution, ceux des années 1990 tendent à l'intégration, non pas tant pour des raisons idéologiques que pour des contraintes pratiques. L'homosexuel cesse d'être un sujet politique (tel qu'il fut décrit par Daniel Guérin dans son livre Homosexualité et Révolution en 1983) et l'homosexualité n'est plus un instrument au service de l'utopie révolutionnaire, comme le prônait Guy Hocquenghem (Le désir Homosexuel, 1972), pour devenir un sujet de droit dans le cadre d'une revendication formulée dans des termes juridiques. De surcroit, le fait que l'OMS supprime l'homosexualité de la liste des maladies mentales en 1990, a surement contribué à cette démarche pragmatique.

International audience ; La manière dans laquelle se sont articulées les nouvelles revendications du mouvement LGBTI dans les pays occidentaux, à partir de la fin des années 1980, correspond à un changement de paradigme sur la mobilisation politique, dû à la fois à l'irruption du sida et à la croissante globalisation. Ce changement peut, en effet, s'expliquer à la fois par l'urgence instaurée par l'irruption du VIH et par la fin de l'utopie révolutionnaire, fruit de la mondialisation post-communiste. Ces situations ont entraîné des nouvelles formes de mobilisation pour des nouvelles revendications.Si les mouvements sociaux des années 1970 aspirent à la Révolution, ceux des années 1990 tendent à l'intégration, non pas tant pour des raisons idéologiques que pour des contraintes pratiques. L'homosexuel cesse d'être un sujet politique (tel qu'il fut décrit par Daniel Guérin dans son livre Homosexualité et Révolution en 1983) et l'homosexualité n'est plus un instrument au service de l'utopie révolutionnaire, comme le prônait Guy Hocquenghem (Le désir Homosexuel, 1972), pour devenir un sujet de droit dans le cadre d'une revendication formulée dans des termes juridiques. De surcroit, le fait que l'OMS supprime l'homosexualité de la liste des maladies mentales en 1990, a surement contribué à cette démarche pragmatique.

On June 28, 1969, a small gay bar in New York City's Greenwich Village neighborhood, The Stonewall Inn, was raided by the police. Rather than the norm of passive consent to the police, the patrons began to fight back leading to an all-out riot in the streets of lower Manhattan. The Stonewall Riot is referred to by many as the turning point in the struggle for gay rights

This is an essay talking about the LGBT community and party affiliation, includes two specific parties within the major parties, including the Stonewall Democrats and the Log Cabin Republicans. The Stonewall Democrats are only with the Democrats because of that's the party that gets results for them while the Log Cabin Republicans are ideologically on the side of the Republicans but would like to gain more rights for the LGBT community. This is a detailed background and analysis of the two parties in terms of the LGBT community.

Inheritance is an event of transfer of rights between the heir to the heir due to the marital relationship, a relationship of consanguinity, and freeing slaves. Weddings are often held by the LGBT group, where the presence of LGBT groups have not been recognized in Indonesia, especially in the legal rights of marriage. Based on the writer wants to analyze the validity of the marriage LGBT actors in the marriage law and inheritance position of LGBT marriage.Based on the study conducted by the authors from a variety of sources related, and comes from the internet. Analysis of the data used is based on the observation that the principles and norms of the law, researching and studying documents and regulations in force.The results of the literature shows that LGBT actors inheritance is not valid, because the law and Islamic law marriage is not recognized, because the LGBT couples give substance to one of them in the form of grants. Thus, it is expected to reinforce the government's denial of the existence and rights of LGBT groups in the presence of the Special Act for same-sex couples.

In der öffentlichen Diskussion gilt Indonesien oftmals als Musterstaat der Region in Bezug auf Demokratie, Stabilität und Toleranz. Dabei wird besonders die ethnische, religiöse und kulturelle Vielfalt hervorgehoben, die Indonesien selbst in seinem Staatsmotto ›Bhinneka tunggal ika‹ wert- schätzt, was auf Deutsch etwa Einheit in Vielfalt bedeutet. Besonders in Bezug auf die oben genannten Themen ist dieses Ideal offiziell beachtet und großteilig rechtlich verankert. Die Hervorhebung in Kombination mit dem evozierten Bild einer unproblematischen Wertschätzung von Vielfalt täuscht allerdings über die täglichen Erfahrungen und Dynamiken von Differenz und Andersartigkeit hinweg, wie sie beispielsweise LGBT Personen nach einem Outing erleben.

Often when LGBT immigrants are deported from the United States, harsh punishments such as death and exile await them in their native lands. Because of strict and antiquated marriage laws that do not account for same-sex relationships, LGBT immigrants are not treated with the same privileges as opposite-sex couples, and these people generally find it much harder to successfully immigrate into the US. This unfortunate reality has caused several LGBT identifiers to attempt to reform US immigration legislation via protest in hopes of making the immigration process fairer.

This article discusses the case of refugees who are LGBT, and the possible grounds for using LGBT status as a basis for prioritizing LGBT persons in refugee admissions. I argue that those states most willing and able to protect LGBT persons against a variety of (also) non-asylum-grounding injustices have strong moral reasons to admit and prioritize refugees with LGBT status over non-LGBT refugees in refugee admissions. These states – typically, Western liberal democracies – are uniquely positioned to provide effective protection for refugees who are LGBT, owing to the failures of other, also refugee receiving, states to do so. The case for prioritizing refugees with LGBT status is built upon two interrelated factors. First, on the specific vulnerability of LGBT persons to a variety of (also) non-asylum-grounding injustices, and second, on the relatively low number of countries that are both willing and able to protect LGBT persons against such injustices.

While LGBT studies have been problematizing normative categories of sexuality primarily in Western cultures, the status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals in non-Western societies remains understudied. This study examines the political attitudes toward LGBT individuals in Turkish society and explores the experiences of transgender individuals. While Turkey holds a strong economic position among Western countries, the situation of sexual minorities lags behind international standards. This study explores two research questions. First, what is the Turkish government's outlook for the LGBT community? Secondly, what kind of problems and challenges do trans-individuals experience in Turkey? This study first introduces a macro-level analysis of the politics of gender identity in Turkey by analyzing the debates of four deputies in the Turkish Parliament, each representing their parties' disparate viewpoints. Secondly, a micro-level analysis of previously collected interviews with twenty-five trans-individuals are also examined that shed light on the difficulties of being a trans-individual in Turkey. The content analysis shows that trans-individuals experience physical, sexual, and emotional violence, in addition to experiencing discrimination in employment, housing, and healthcare. The findings of this micro-level analysis elucidate the continuous discrimination, inequality, and violence that these individuals experience, while the macro-level analysis portrays the state's discriminatory policies toward LGBT individuals in Turkey.

One of current controversial phenomenon which many people talk about in the society is the legalation of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) from government. The assertion from LGBT community comes along with bigger population growth of LGBT communities. The declaration done by these communities directed to be national attention by publicating with some big electronic media.

Rad predstavlja istraživanje o stavovima LGBT populacije prema sektoru bezbednosti u Srbiji. U toku pet fokus grupa rađenih sa LGBT osobama, utvrđene su osnovne karakteristike odnosa policije prema seksualnim manjinama. Kroz odnos policije, postoji pokušaj da se odredi delovanje institucija prema homoseksualnosti. U samom istraživanju utvrđene su i razlike koje postoje među ispitanicima s obzirom na njihov status i veličinu mesta stanovanja. Rad se osvrće i na dešavanja kao što su Parade ponosa koja dovode do ispoljavanja anti-gej opcija i političkih sukoba. ; This paper presents a survey of LGBT attitudes towards the security sector in Serbia. During the five focus groups with LGBT persons, we determined the basic characteristics of police attitudes towards sexual minorities. By examining the relationship between the police and the sexual minorities, the author attempts to determine the institutional practice towards homosexuality. The study also notes the differences between respondents based on their status and the size of their place of residence. This paper looks at events such as the Pride Parade, which lead to the appearance of anti-gay factions and political conflicts.

Even in the best of times, LGBT individuals have legal vulnerabilities in employment, housing, healthcare and other domains resulting from a combination of persistent bias and uneven protection against discrimination. In this time of COVID-19, these vulnerabilities combine to amplify both the legal and health risks that LGBT people face. This essay focuses on several risks that are particularly linked to being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender, with the recognition that these vulnerabilities are often intensified by discrimination based on race, ethnicity, age, disability, immigration status and other aspects of identity. Topics include: 1) federal withdrawal of antidiscrimination protections; 2) heightened health risks and vulnerabilities seeking healthcare; 3) family recognition and COVID-19; 4) employment discrimination; and 5) populations at special risk. It also bears noting at the outset that LGBT people already have close and long-lasting experience with HIV/AIDS, which has been described by many as a pandemic and which brought with it enduring stigma and many forms of discrimination and other harms. Even Dr. Anthony Fauci, who is a new hero to many Americans for his clarity in press briefings on COVID-19, is a familiar presence for AIDS activists because of his role in the 1980s and 90s as a leader of the federal government's response to HIV/AIDS.

One of current controversial phenomenon which many people talk about in the society is the legalation of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) from government. The assertion from LGBT community comes along with bigger population growth of LGBT communities. The declaration done by these communities directed to be national attention by publicating with some big electronic media.

Published in Reviews and Critical Commentary: http://councilforeuropeanstudies.org/critcom/post-marriage-lgbt-politics-in-spain/ ; Council of European Studies