In this audiovisual presentation I reflect on the mix of creative methods that are currently viable for establishing and (re)creating a complex cast of characters via graphics, public pranks, and other modes of storytelling. The presentation will discuss the changes over the last fifteen years I have observed in social justice protests and social media activism that engage mainstream media attention. I then analyse two successful graphic-based campaigns that I ran in 2014. The 1st four-day campaign concerned Opera Australia's hiring of Tamar Iveri, a soprano singer who had advocated violence against LGBTI activists in her hometown of Tbilisi, Georgia. Mostly remaining within social media, this campaign utilised the initial viral spread of an infographic to target Facebook mechanisms that measure public satisfaction with commercial organisations and sponsors. The second month-long campaign concerned the proposed attendance of Australian government ministers at the anti-gay, anti-abortion "World Congress of Families" conference in Melbourne. Eventually crossing into mainstream media, this campaign succeeded via the utilisation of a variety of online and of offline participatory tactics.
In: Dandashly , A 2021 , ' The EU and LGBTI activism in the MENA – The case of Lebanon ' , Mediterranean Politics . https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1883287
This paper studies the role of the European Union (EU) in supporting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) communities in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) by focusing on the case of Lebanon. It seeks to fill the existing gap in the literature regarding the transversal conceptualization of EU practices in support of LGBTI communities in the MENA by focusing on what is happening on the ground. The paper builds on semi-structured interviews and engages with primary and secondary literature on practices in international relations and the EU's transversal democracy promotion to answer three main questions: To what extent do the EU agents engage with local actors to improve transversal minority rights? Who are the agents involved? And what influences the EU approach/practice in this area? The main findings reveal the EU as a subtle actor when it comes to LGBTI rights in the MENA; it tends to treat the matter within a broader human rights aspect and to support initiatives taken by locals. This is due to the sensitivity of the domestic context as well as awareness that it might have a negative effect on the LGBTI groups if the EU became more vocal.
El presente artículo es el resultado de una investigación cuantitativa sobre la violencia al interior de parejas de la diversidad sexual (LGBTI). Se realizó en octubre de 2014 una encuesta a población LGBTI, en la que se consultó por indicadores de violencia al interior de la pareja considerando sus manifestaciones: físicas, psicológicas, económicas y sexuales. En ella se constata que el 47% de los encuestados declara haber sufrido alguna situación de violencia. Además se revisan críticamente las políticas relacionadas con la diversidad sexual y la violencia intrafamiliar, dejando en evidencia el vacío institucional respecto a la violencia al interior de las parejas de la población no heterosexual, ya que no cuenta con instituciones que cuenten con la especialización en brindar apoyo psicosocial y jurídico. The present article is the result of a cuantitative study about violence in couples of the LGBT community. In October of 2014 a survey was conducted with the LGBT community, in which participants were asked about indicators of in-couple violence, considering its phisical, psychological, economic and sexual manifestations. This survey confirms that 47% of the participants suffered some kind of violence. Furthermore, politics related with the LGBT community and in couple violence are thoroughly revised, making clear the existence of an institutional vacum regarding in couple violence in non-heterosexual population, given the absence of institutions specialized in providing psychosocial and law support.
This study examines the impact of the refugee status determination (RSD) process in the UK on LGBTI refugees who have been successful with 'proving' their sexual orientation. This research explores the impact that the process, which is situated in a culture of disbelief, has on LGBTI refugees' integration in the UK. The refusal rate of LGBTI asylum claims is higher when compared with claims based on other grounds, with preconceived notions about how LGBTI persons act are seen to be a contributing factor. However, for the minority of individuals who are successful in 'proving' their sexual orientation and gain refugee status in the UK, their experiences of the process is not well documented. This study therefore explores their perspective, concluding with what can be changed during the process to reduce potential, negative, integration outcomes.
In 2013 I 'reactivated' Pauline Pantsdown, a satirical character I had inhabited in the late 1990s, as a virtual political activist on social media. Over the past four years I've orchestrated my followers in a series of action campaigns around issues of race, gender and sexuality, utilising episodic narrative; visual/text memes and consumer boycotts via the use of available online tools and offline collaborations/protest. In September 2016, I orchestrated a shutdown of a proposed 'Australian Christian Lobby' (ACL) meeting at the Mercure Hotel, targeting their attacks on specific transgender children. It eventuated afterwards that this was to have been the inaugural meeting of the "same-sex marriage" plebiscite "No" campaign, to be attended by the ACL; the heads of the Sydney Catholic and Anglican Dioceses, and other groups. Several weeks of attacks by "The Australian" newspaper and its News Limited subsidiaries followed, including a front page 'Australian' article; seven opinion columns; several Sky News TV editorials; a Bill Leak cartoon of LGBTI activists as Nazis; false accusations of violent threats and death threats; and a campaign to have me fired from my job as a UNSW lecturer. I want to examine my and News Limited's radically different narrative constructions of these events (and other stories involving LGBTI activists); the place of the Pantsdown icon with these narratives; the mechanisms of memes and web design in creating unusual bridges between social and "mainstream" media – for example, the embedding of social media in news articles, and my use of the Facebook "Notes" format to publicly file a report about the Australian Christian Lobby to the Federal Police. Background references : Protest at 'Australian Christian Lobby' conference 23.4.16https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BfBr9rS1us0 Same-Sex Marriage Event off : Threats to hotel staff (The Australian, 17.9.16) http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/samesex-marriage-event-off-threats-to-hotel-staff/news-story/d45bd0f9e9a774fc3e3d0741f176da13 ACT Policing : Background to Lyle Shelton's previous claims of 'death threats' & 'violent threats'. (Facebook notes , 6.1.17) https://www.facebook.com/notes/pauline-pantsdown/act-policing-background-to-lyle-sheltons-previous-claims-of-death-threats-violen/873872706087720/ Hyatt Hotel defends booking for Australian Christian Lobby's anti-gay marriage conference (Canberra Times 21.10.14)http://www.canberratimes.com.au/act-news/hyatt-hotel-defends-booking-for-australian-christian-lobbys-antigay-marriage-conference-20141021-1196rn.html
Examining the relationship between social media, anti-gender and everyday polarisation, this article identifies the ways social media platforms reflect the mundane amidst the interactions of users over social and political issues, showing how micro-stories can foreground macro-political tensions online. We examine a Twitter event over an outing that showed vigorous debates on issues pertaining to gender and its socio-political connotations in Turkey, employing textual and content analyses of reactions shared through hashtags and mentions. The outing involved a child custody battle in court and a secret recording, exposing the sexual identity of a woman popstar #Intizar. The paper shows how Twitter facilitated conservative, homophobic and patriarchal reactions that harnessed deep political polarisation between the AKP government's supporters and those declaring solidarity with LGBTI+ issues. A mundane divorce story exhibited the deep political tension in Turkey, which also exemplifies the depth of increasing online polarisation over gender on a global scale.
At the beginning of the investigative process there were concepts and perceptions, that although they were far from objective reality, they were not substantial reality. The direct contact with people who belong to LGBTI really overcame what at the beginning could be validated just in some specific social areas, this without leaving aside the main shaft which consistedof public policy for LGBTI people It is clear that the effectiveness of legal norms is constantly fragmented in practice, because of multiple factors that influence the objective social reality. The effectiveness of public policies to protect LGBTI people are not an exception. In the course of research activity, it is permanently observed that the purpose of the state aimed at achieving the protection and participation of all inhabitants of the Colombian state is not factually a concrete reality and instead it goes on the contrary way of its recipients, who are constantly permeated by a number of dynamics that prevent an effective approach to this type of regulations that lead to the protection and visibility standards in contrast with other subjects of society. Therefore, it is proposed a handy tool called community responsability. If this tool is used, it shall ensure LGBTI as concrete materialization of their true interests as a community. ; Al inicio del proceso investigativo se tenían conceptos y percepciones que pese a no estar alejados de la realidad objetiva, sí carecían de contenido sustancial; el contacto directo con las personas pertenecientes a la población LGBTI realmente logró traspasar todo aquello que, en principio, sólo era posible validar sumariamente en relación a diferentes ámbitos sociales concretos. Es claro, que la eficacia de las normas jurídicas se ve continuamente fragmentada en la praxis a causa de múltiples factores que condicionan la realidad social objetiva; la eficacia de las políticas públicas de protección a las personas LGBTI no son la excepción. En el trans- curso de la actividad investigativa se observó de forma permanente en que los fines del estado orientados a lograr la protección y participación de todos los habitantes, no se concreta en la realidad fáctica y por el contrario, avanzan por caminos distintos y paralelos a los que recorren sus destinatarios, los cuales se ven constantemente permeados por un sin número de dinámicas que les impide un acercamiento efectivo a este tipo de normatividad, que como consecuencia, los conduzca a estándares de protección y visibilización aptos, en contraste con otros sujetos de la sociedad. Por lo anterior, se formula una herramienta práctica denominada responsabilidad comunitaria, que de ser utilizada, será determinante para la población verdaderos intereses como comunidad.
La comunidad LGBTI, como tantas otras minorías han sido durante mucho tiempo objeto de discriminación, además ningún país del mundo ha eliminado por completo y con éxito, todas las formas de discriminación y exclusión (Flores, G., 2016). el objetivo esencial de esta investigación fue identificar las representaciones sociales de la inclusión educativa de la población LGTBI en las facultades de salud - UEB, con el fin de determinar la manera en que otras personas los ven y de cómo expresan conceptos y creencias de lo que puede llegar a ser una persona que tiene cierta afinidad, gustos y/o atracciones particulares, personas que pueden ser catalogadas como singulares y que su presencia en cierto grupo social, como lo es la Educación Superior, puede objetar la aceptación dadas sus características sociodemográficas, religión, costumbres y nivel de educación; se indago acerca del conocimiento, la adaptación de la comunidad Universitaria, frente a las políticas de inclusión y cómo éstas, tienden a contribuir al acceso educativo de la mencionada población. Se desarrollo una metodología con un enfoque mixto, de tipo descriptivo exploratorio, bajo un paradigma hermenéutico interpretativo, como métodos de recolección de la información se realizó encuestas por bloques de acuerdo con categorías. La selección y tamaño de la muestra fue por muestreo probabilístico por conglomerados y Participaron Estudiantes (108), Docentes (34) y Administrativos (22) de las Facultades de Salud – UEB. Las Representaciones Sociales de la inclusión en la Educación Superior de la población objeto de estudio, mostro, tolerancia y aceptación de la misma, frente a la cultura, religión y relaciones interpersonales, con un desempeño académico independiente de la condición sexual. Existe la percepción de discriminación en diferentes contextos sociales, con la sensación de falta en equidad e igualdad, como también de oportunidades respecto a las garantías de derechos (inclusión). El desconocimiento de las políticas fue un factor predominante. ; Especialista en Docencia Universitaria ; Maestría ; LGBTI community like so many other minorities have been for a long-time object of discrimination. Also, no country in the world has completely and successfully eliminated all forms of social exclusion (Flores, G., 2016). This study aims at identifying the social representations of the educational inclusion of the LGTBI community at the Bosque University healthcare faculties. in order to determine the way in which other people see them and how they express concepts and beliefs of what It can become a person who has a certain affinity, tastes and/or particular attractions, people who can be classified as unique and that their presence in a certain social group, such as Higher Education, may object to acceptance given its sociodemographic characteristics, religion, customs, and level of education; He inquired about the knowledge, the adaptation of the University community, against the inclusion politics and how they tend to contribute to the educational access of the mentioned population. A methodology was developed with a mixed approach, of an exploratory descriptive type, under an interpretive hermeneutic paradigm, as information collection methods It has been made block surveys according to categories. The selection and size of the sample were by probabilistic sampling by conglomerates and Participants Students (108), Teachers (34) and Administrative (22) of the Bosque University healthcare faculties. The Social Representations of the inclusion in Higher Education of the population under study, show, tolerance, and acceptance of the same, Front of culture, religion, and interpersonal relationships, with an academic performance independent of the sexual condition. There is the perception of discrimination in differentsocial contexts, with the feeling of lack of equity and equality, as well as opportunities regarding rights guarantees (inclusion). Ignorance of the policies was a predominant factor.
The study of sexuality, especially queer sexuality, has occupied a historically marginal position within political economy. Where feminist scholars have addressed the topic, they have typically done so through the lens of women's sexual labour and social reproduction and/or by framing sexual orientation and gender identity as a variable through which patterns of differentiation may occur. Most critical political economy ignores sexuality entirely. As a result, matters of queer oppression and resistance have not been systematically investigated or theorised. This paper addresses this gap by fusing together insights from the emergent 'queering IPE' literature with two other strands of scholarship that integrate queer concerns into the study of global capitalism: the 'globalisation' and 'state-centric' frames. Based on this, I propose a theoretical framework for understanding queer struggle and apply this to the analysis of LGBTI politics and activism in Ghana. The paper argues that queer oppression and resistance are important topics of inquiry in and of themselves in political economy. At the same time, a broader ontological shift is required to recognise the constitutive role of sexuality within political economic phenomena, which has potentially far-reaching implications for future research agendas within and beyond the study of queer politics.
This study is based on an empirical research to understand the production of nongovernmental spatial practices and representations with a counterformation to an authority, as well as an ontological discussion on the relations between public space and power. In this respect, the study is constructed on an alternative spatial reading of counterspaces (LGBTI-friendly spaces, political spaces, and resistance spaces) in the capital of Turkey, Ankara, benefiting from Henri Lefebvre's theory on the production of space and The Situationist International's mapping techniques. It is realized that these public spaces appropriated or occupied by marginalized groups in society because of their gender, sexual orientation, beliefs, or ethnicity have a strong socio-spatial network in the city as a result of ontological approximation as the necessity of solidarity, which is defined as a habitat of the public assembly of otherness. The existence of different identities in the same area of the city for the same spatial practices is a manifestation of similar subjective formations and spatial representations of vulnerability within power relations. In this context, the aim of this study is the mapping of counterspaces in Ankara within a theoretical ground to contemplate the relationship between subject, power, and space. This article, thereby, analyzes the ontological basis of this psychogeography by questioning the reasons for the spatial proximity or superimposition of spaces used to socialize, organize, and resist the power of the other.
This study is based on an empirical research to understand the production of nongovernmental spatial practices and representations with a counterformation to an authority, as well as an ontological discussion on the relations between public space and power. In this respect, the study is constructed on an alternative spatial reading of counterspaces (LGBTI-friendly spaces, political spaces, and resistance spaces) in the capital of Turkey, Ankara, benefiting from Henri Lefebvre's theory on the production of space and The Situationist International's mapping techniques. It is realized that these public spaces appropriated or occupied by marginalized groups in society because of their gender, sexual orientation, beliefs, or ethnicity have a strong socio-spatial network in the city as a result of ontological approximation as the necessity of solidarity, which is defined as a habitat of the public assembly of otherness. The existence of different identities in the same area of the city for the same spatial practices is a manifestation of similar subjective formations and spatial representations of vulnerability within power relations. In this context, the aim of this study is the mapping of counterspaces in Ankara within a theoretical ground to contemplate the relationship between subject, power, and space. This article, thereby, analyzes the ontological basis of this psychogeography by questioning the reasons for the spatial proximity or superimposition of spaces used to socialize, organize, and resist the power of the other.
Social justice activism via staged protest interrupts official media discourses on national politics. This presentation will discuss the changes over the last fifteen years I have observed in social justice protests and social media activism that engage mainstream media attention. I will present and analyse two successful graphic-based campaigns that I ran in 2014. The 1st four-day campaign concerned Opera Australia's hiring of Tamar Iveri, a soprano singer who had advocated violence against LGBTI activists in her hometown of Tbilisi, Georgia. Mostly remaining within social media, this campaign utilised the initial viral spread of an infographic to target Facebook mechanisms that measure public satisfaction with commercial organisations and sponsors. The second month-long campaign concerned the proposed attendance of Australian government ministers at the anti-gay, anti-abortion "World Congress of Families" conference in Melbourne. Eventually crossing into mainstream media, this campaign succeeded via the utilisation of a variety of online and of offline participatory tactics. I will reflect on the mix of methods that are currently viable for establishing and (re)creating a complex cast of characters via graphics, public pranks, and other modes of storytelling.
El artículo estudia las primeras conmemoraciones de los disturbios de Stonewall en Colombia, entre 1978 y 1982. Centra su atención en el Movimiento de Liberación Homosexual de Colombia, organización que propuso la consolidación de esta tradición en el país. El estudio de sus diferentes acciones, a partir de testimonios de militantes y textos producidos por el movimiento, devela la intención política del proyecto: establecer una fecha para radicalizar a un sector hasta entonces marginalizado de la política nacional. Con esto es posible evidenciar una fase inicial del movimiento lgbt colombiano, vinculada a la experiencia radical de la década de los setenta. Se concluye que los esfuerzos por establecer esta tradición representan un ejercicio de organización política "desde abajo" que, al no estar exentos de problemas, evidencia la heterogeneidad de un movimiento que generalmente es entendido de manera estática. ; The article studies the first commemorations of the Stonewall riots in Colombia, between 1978 and 1982. It focuses on the Colombian Homosexual Liberation Movement, the organization that proposed consolidating that tradition in the country. The study of its different actions on the basis of militants' testimonies and texts produced by the movement evinces the project's political intention: to establish a date in order to radicalize a sector that had been marginalized from national politics until then. The study shows that the initial phase of the Colombian lgbt movement was linked to the radical experience of the 1970s. It concludes that the efforts to establish this tradition represent an exercise of political organization "from the bottom up", which despite its problems, reveals the heterogeneity of a movement that is usually understood as static. ; Este artigo estuda as primeiras comemorações dos distúrbios de Stonewall na Colômbia, entre 1978 e 1982. Foca sua atenção no Movimento de Liberação Homossexual da Colômbia, organização que propôs a consolidação dessa tradição no país. O estudo de suas diferentes ações, a partir de depoimentos de militantes e textos produzidos pelo movimento, revela a intenção política do projeto: estabelecer uma data para radicalizar um setor até então marginalizado da política nacional. Com isso, é possível evidenciar uma fase inicial do movimento lgbt colombiano, vinculada à experiência radical da década dos 1970. Conclui-se que os esforços para estabelecer essa tradição representam um exercício de organização política "de baixo" que, ao não estarem isentos de problemas, evidencia a heterogeneidade de um movimento que geralmente é entendido de maneira estática.
This paper argues that current iterations of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) rights are limited by an overreliance on particular representations of sexuality, in which homosexuality is defined negatively through a binary of homosexual/heterosexual. The limits of these representations are explored in order to unpick the possibility of engaging in a form of sexuality politics that is grounded in difference rather than in sameness or opposition. The paper seeks to respond to Braidotti's call for an "affirmative politics" that is open to forms of creative, future-oriented action and that might serve to answer some of the more common criticisms of current LGBTI rights activism.
This paper aims to analyze the process of organization of gay, lesbian,bisexual transvestite, transsexual, transgender and intersex identities (LGBTI)in San Salvador between 1992 and 2015. We identified four moments of thisprocess: 1) The "Gay Pride" represents the initial moment of organization inthe post-war period; 2) The "LGBTI" as result of the consolidation ofidentities; 3) The emergence of "Sexual Diversity" as a political player; and4) "Making a difference without being different" that represents restrictedsocial recognition. We used the concepts of sexual politics and symbolicactions for the analysis of each proposed historic moment. In conclusion, theLGBTI movement has promoted social questioning the binary patterns ofsexuality as well as the gender essentialism, through symbolic actions. Thesexual politics has focused on promoting the human rights of the LGBTpopulation.