Suchergebnisse

"Australia's History of LGBTI Politics and Rights" published on by Oxford University Press.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- 1 Europeanization "beyond Europe": Promoting LGBTI rights in third countries -- Europeanization and international norms diffusion -- Domestic actors of Europeanization -- Political instrumentalization of homosexuality and LGBTI rights -- On the case selection -- A note on methods -- Reflection of terminology: on missing letters -- Chapters and topics -- Notes -- 2 Politics of LGBTI rights and non-discrimination in the enlarged European Union -- History of the legal protection of LGBTI rights in the European Union -- European Union conditionality, enlargement, ENP, and the protection of LGBTI rights -- European institutions and instruments to combat discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in third countries -- LGBTI rights in the European Union: discrepancies between the Member States -- Notes -- 3 European integration as Turkey's civilizational project -- Kemalism and Westernization of Turkey -- Looking back at EU-Turkish relations -- LGBTI rights in Turkey before Helsinki Summit -- The rise to power of the AK party -- The EU and the development of civil society in Turkey after Helsinki Summit -- The worsening of Turkey-EU relations after 2005 -- Turkish political parties at the beginning of the twenty-first century -- Changing rhetoric on "European values": failing democratic conditionality politics -- Political parties in Turkey after general elections in 2011 - same actors, new alliances -- Empowering civil society in Turkey in 2008-2014 -- Notes -- 4 Eurocrisis and transformations of the political system in Turkey -- Istanbul Gezi protest and politicization of the Turkish LGBTI community -- European aid and political participation of LGBTI people in Turkey.

"LGBTI Human Rights in Global Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

In this audiovisual presentation I reflect on the mix of creative methods that are currently viable for establishing and (re)creating a complex cast of characters via graphics, public pranks, and other modes of storytelling. The presentation will discuss the changes over the last fifteen years I have observed in social justice protests and social media activism that engage mainstream media attention. I then analyse two successful graphic-based campaigns that I ran in 2014. The 1st four-day campaign concerned Opera Australia's hiring of Tamar Iveri, a soprano singer who had advocated violence against LGBTI activists in her hometown of Tbilisi, Georgia. Mostly remaining within social media, this campaign utilised the initial viral spread of an infographic to target Facebook mechanisms that measure public satisfaction with commercial organisations and sponsors. The second month-long campaign concerned the proposed attendance of Australian government ministers at the anti-gay, anti-abortion "World Congress of Families" conference in Melbourne. Eventually crossing into mainstream media, this campaign succeeded via the utilisation of a variety of online and of offline participatory tactics.

"The European Union's International Promotion of LGBTI Rights in its Foreign Relations" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Decolonial Queer Politics and LGBTI+ Activism in Romania and Turkey" published on by Oxford University Press.

"LGBTI Transnational Law: Sex as Crime, Violence as Control" published on by Oxford University Press.

This article examines the 2017 German national election through
the lens of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) interests. It
depicts the ways in which sexual minorities articulated their policy preferences,
the degree to which these positions were taken up in party platforms
and electoral discourse, and the extent to which the resulting coalition agreement
pledged to address queer citizens' concerns. I argue that, as a result of
what Sarah Childs and Mona Lena Krook call a critical actor, this election
provided sexual minorities with a high degree of responsiveness on one core
issue: marriage equality. Other issues of interest to LGBTI voters, however,
remained largely invisible. The conclusions here are based on analysis of primary
documents including interest group statements, party platforms, and
coalition agreements, as well as on German-language news coverage of the
election campaign.

El presente artículo es el resultado de una investigación cuantitativa sobre la violencia al interior de parejas de la diversidad sexual (LGBTI). Se realizó en octubre de 2014 una encuesta a población LGBTI, en la que se consultó por indicadores de violencia al interior de la pareja considerando sus manifestaciones: físicas, psicológicas, económicas y sexuales. En ella se constata que el 47% de los encuestados declara haber sufrido alguna situación de violencia. Además se revisan críticamente las políticas relacionadas con la diversidad sexual y la violencia intrafamiliar, dejando en evidencia el vacío institucional respecto a la violencia al interior de las parejas de la población no heterosexual, ya que no cuenta con instituciones que cuenten con la especialización en brindar apoyo psicosocial y jurídico. The present article is the result of a cuantitative study about violence in couples of the LGBT community. In October of 2014 a survey was conducted with the LGBT community, in which participants were asked about indicators of in-couple violence, considering its phisical, psychological, economic and sexual manifestations. This survey confirms that 47% of the participants suffered some kind of violence. Furthermore, politics related with the LGBT community and in couple violence are thoroughly revised, making clear the existence of an institutional vacum regarding in couple violence in non-heterosexual population, given the absence of institutions specialized in providing psychosocial and law support.

Abstract
The article proposes a political ethnography of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) asylum founded on a fieldwork (2017–19) in an associative and activist context that supports LGBTI asylum applicants. Through the analysis of the narratives mobilized and produced during the interviews between asylum applicants and institutional agents in charge of receiving and assessing the requests for international protection, the article explores the institutional uses of the SOGI framework. The hypothesis that the article puts forward is that, far from concerning exclusively a confrontation/dispute among models of sexual orientation and gender identity, these interactions actually bring forth a logic of exchange of moral goods (vulnerability, feelings of shame and fear, identity, narratives). Given the impossibility for LGBTI asylum applicants to produce probatory documentation, this study exposes the strategies for determining legitimate from illegitimate LGBTI migrant subjects, 'good' from 'bad' migrant stories, and, therefore, the political and moral dimension of the institutional work and the grant of the right of asylum.

In 2013 I 'reactivated' Pauline Pantsdown, a satirical character I had inhabited in the late 1990s, as a virtual political activist on social media. Over the past four years I've orchestrated my followers in a series of action campaigns around issues of race, gender and sexuality, utilising episodic narrative; visual/text memes and consumer boycotts via the use of available online tools and offline collaborations/protest. In September 2016, I orchestrated a shutdown of a proposed 'Australian Christian Lobby' (ACL) meeting at the Mercure Hotel, targeting their attacks on specific transgender children. It eventuated afterwards that this was to have been the inaugural meeting of the "same-sex marriage" plebiscite "No" campaign, to be attended by the ACL; the heads of the Sydney Catholic and Anglican Dioceses, and other groups. Several weeks of attacks by "The Australian" newspaper and its News Limited subsidiaries followed, including a front page 'Australian' article; seven opinion columns; several Sky News TV editorials; a Bill Leak cartoon of LGBTI activists as Nazis; false accusations of violent threats and death threats; and a campaign to have me fired from my job as a UNSW lecturer. I want to examine my and News Limited's radically different narrative constructions of these events (and other stories involving LGBTI activists); the place of the Pantsdown icon with these narratives; the mechanisms of memes and web design in creating unusual bridges between social and "mainstream" media – for example, the embedding of social media in news articles, and my use of the Facebook "Notes" format to publicly file a report about the Australian Christian Lobby to the Federal Police. Background references : Protest at 'Australian Christian Lobby' conference 23.4.16https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BfBr9rS1us0 Same-Sex Marriage Event off : Threats to hotel staff (The Australian, 17.9.16) http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/samesex-marriage-event-off-threats-to-hotel-staff/news-story/d45bd0f9e9a774fc3e3d0741f176da13 ACT Policing : Background to Lyle Shelton's previous claims of 'death threats' & 'violent threats'. (Facebook notes , 6.1.17) https://www.facebook.com/notes/pauline-pantsdown/act-policing-background-to-lyle-sheltons-previous-claims-of-death-threats-violen/873872706087720/ Hyatt Hotel defends booking for Australian Christian Lobby's anti-gay marriage conference (Canberra Times 21.10.14)http://www.canberratimes.com.au/act-news/hyatt-hotel-defends-booking-for-australian-christian-lobbys-antigay-marriage-conference-20141021-1196rn.html

This paper studies the role of the European Union (EU) in supporting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) communities in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) by focusing on the case of Lebanon. It seeks to fill the existing gap in the literature regarding the transversal conceptualization of EU practices in support of LGBTI communities in the MENA by focusing on what is happening on the ground. The paper builds on semi-structured interviews and engages with primary and secondary literature on practices in international relations and the EU's transversal democracy promotion to answer three main questions: To what extent do the EU agents engage with local actors to improve transversal minority rights? Who are the agents involved? And what influences the EU approach/practice in this area? The main findings reveal the EU as a subtle actor when it comes to LGBTI rights in the MENA; it tends to treat the matter within a broader human rights aspect and to support initiatives taken by locals. This is due to the sensitivity of the domestic context as well as awareness that it might have a negative effect on the LGBTI groups if the EU became more vocal.