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Preliminary Material /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- Contents /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- Introduction: New Approaches To The Demographic, Agrarian, And Political History Of The Middle And Late Republic /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- I - Demography /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- II - Census Figures And Population /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- III - Survey Archaeology And Demography /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- IV - Allied Manpower And Migration /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- V - Ager Publicus /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- VI - Demography And The End Of The Republic /L. De Ligt and Northwood -- Index /L. De Ligt and Northwood.

Islamization of Java becomes an actual topic of religious social research because the phenomena not only relate to religious discourse but also other aspects. This research focuses on the Islamization of the government center of Salatiga Central Java. The aims of this study are: to find the academic answer to why Islamization occurred in the government center of Salatiga in Central Java, to find out the Islamization process underway, to describe the dominant factors affecting Islamization, and to describe the impact of Islamization on religious life around the central government. The benefit of this research is to contribute the theories of Islamization of Government center of Java in the late of 20th century. This study is a descriptive research and causality analysis. The events were limited to those of 1985 to 2018. The data were sourced from the archives, inscription, news, interviews, and literature. The results of the study found that the Islamization of the Salatiga government center was carried out because the infrastructure was still European patterned. The actualization of Muslim religiosity was not well supported by this infrastructure. The symbol of Islamization is the transformation of the villa on the west of the city square into a mosque. The Islamization was successful because of the symbiotic factors between political parties, rulers, scholars, Islamic universities, and religious organizations. There was no significant impact yet on the improvement of spiritual and social lives around the government center. This study enriches theories about the symbiotic relations of religions, politics, and social changes in Java in the late 20th century.

According to Italian historiography, the term modernization refers to the transformation of Italian society between 1950 and the late 1960s. This study aims to analyse those years by adopting the specific framework defined by the action of State institutions, trying to clarify which contribution was given by the «State» to the modernization processes. The analysis starts from the period of political and institutional transition between Fascism and democracy, focusing the pivotal role played by Democrazia Cristiana (DC) to drive, and even delay, institutional and socio-economic transformations. It has been devoted some space to the «conquest of the State» by DC, enlighting the increasing connection between the DC political elites and State elites. During the Sixties, DC gained almost a complete control on the State apparatus, while the modernization was happening «out of the State». 1968 could be seen as a watershed in the history of the Italian Republic also by the State institutions' point of view because of the regionalisation reform, but the regions would only be able to exercise their powers just from 1977, while the political system went on to be dominated by clientelism and restricted power-ful circles both on central and local level. Modernization would continue to be a deeply foreign enterprise for the Italian State. Only part of the private economy and some of the semi-public bodies would engage in it.

This study investigates how inscribed gems and precious stones serve as a particularly useful model for discussing a variety of concerns of the Hellenistic world. These widely circulated objects, typically made from valuable materials and ranging in type from uncarved gems to decorative cameos and seal stones, were anything but inert objects. Rather, as I argue, precious stones were not only treasured for their economic value, but were also charged with social, political, and cultural significance. Such stones functioned as more than ornamentation, frequently serving as markers of personal authority and social identity, thus possessing significant semiotic power despite their typically small size. Due to their highly symbolic and multifaceted nature, gemstones seem to have deeply engraved themselves upon the literary imagination of a number of writers of Greek poetry and prose from the third century B.C.E. to the third century C.E. who wrote detailed descriptions of such stones. Although the art of gem carving had been well established by the Hellenistic period, literary treatment of precious stones is rather limited up to that point. It is only after the eastward expansion of Alexander the Great and an influx of new materials and gems types, that a select number of Greek epigrammatists began to engage with the themes of the production of gemstones and their materials in response to an increasingly available category of luxury goods and perhaps also as a self-conscious nod to the genre's own lithic origins. Through their ekphrastic descriptions of gemstones, therefore, Hellenistic epigrammatists initiated a literary discourse on precious stones, whose influence would extend not only across temporal, spatial, and generic boundaries, but well beyond the classical world. In the first half of my dissertation, I probe the metapoetic significance of the relationship between ekphrastic epigrams and Greco-Roman gemstones by focusing on the production andmaterials of gemstones. My second chapter argues that a close link exists between the poems and the objects described and concludes that the minute attention to detail displayed by the glyptic artist becomes simultaneously a source of delight and wonder as well as a metapoetic device for the exacting art of ekphrastic poetry. In the third chapter, I discuss the manner in which later Greek authors, much like glyptic artists, drew upon technological and intellectual knowledge of precious stones, their properties and symbolic values in order to explore issues of adaptation, authority and originality in literary texts. I contend that engraved seal stones and their impressions can be seen as a metaphor for later prose adaptations of the poetic discourse and conclude that such imitations ought not to be viewed as imprecise copies of an original, but rather as adaptations whose mimetic qualities allow for creative originality. In the second half of my dissertation, I analyze the social and literary implications of the ekphrastic description of gems. The fourth chapter treats one of the most pervasive forms of magic in antiquity: magic stones and amulets. I show how the literary descriptions of magical stones are noteworthy, not only for their representations of the magical stones themselves, but also for the way in which they imitate magical practices through the careful combination of the written with the visual. The fifth chapter explores the social reception of gems and theirability to illuminate ancient ideas about gender. Although precious stones were used by both men and women, their use was largely divided along gender lines. Both sexes utilized precious stones, however, in their literary treatment during the Hellenistic and Imperial periods gems are predominately associated with women. By means of a detailed study of the gendered treatment of gems in ekphrastic texts, I argue that women become assimilated with precious stones and onaccount of the gendered conceptualization of stones in literary texts, women become eroticized, objectified and commodified in a manner similar to gemstones by means of this association. The final chapter traces Greek authors' utilization of precious stones as a means of treating identity and character and suggests that gems become metonymic representations. In these instances, visual impact becomes not an end goal for ekphrasis, but rather a means for exploring the didactic nature of stones' properties and of the images graven upon them. Through the examination of portraits carved on gemstones, a connection may be forged between an ekphrastic character sketch and the representation of types found on inscribed gemstones.

This article examines COVID-19 and residential care for older people during the first wave of the pandemic in 2020, comparing a range of countries – Denmark, England, Germany, Italy and Spain – to identify the policy approaches taken to the virus in care homes and set these in institutional and policy context. Pandemic policies towards care homes are compared in terms of lockdown, testing and the supply of personal protective equipment. The comparative analysis shows a clear cross-national clustering: Denmark and Germany group together by virtue of the proactive approach adopted, whereas England, Italy and Spain had major weaknesses resulting in delayed and generally inadequate responses. The article goes on to show that these outcomes and country clustering are embedded in particular long-term care (LTC) policy systems. The factors that we highlight as especially important in differentiating the countries are the resourcing of the sector, the regulation of LTC and care homes, and the degree of vertical (and to a lesser extent horizontal) coordination in the sector and between it and the health sector.

Exploring the edges of a Roman city -- The urban periphery in Roman thought -- The archaeology of the urban periphery -- Gaul in the high empire : major administrative cities -- Gaul in the high empire : secondary agglomerations -- Gaul in late antiquity -- Some wider questions

The term "femicide", or "feminicide", refers to extreme violence of the physical, psychological, economic, and systemic kind perpetrated by males against women because they are women. The focus of this investigation is an analysis of the most extreme form of the complex and distinct phenomenon of femicide, namely the murder of women. After an examination of femicide in countries throughout the world, this study focuses its attention on the Italian reality. It begins with a statistical analysis of the data produced by the Eures Institute, which in its latest report on intentional homicide in Italy has developed an investigation of all the cases of the murder of women that took place in Italy between the years 2000 and 2012. In it, the authors examine the compelling phenomenon through many different lenses (social, relational, psychological, and criminological). In doing so, the authors construct a reflection accompanied by a reading of the risk factors, the contexts, and the situations associated with it. In this 12-year period, 2200 women were murdered in Italy, an average of 171 per year, or one woman every two days. Femicide in Italy, as in most countries of the European Union, occurs principally in a domestic situation,with women representing 7 out of 10 victims of domestic homicide. Women murdered by their partners (husbands, boyfriends) or ex-partners represent 66% of family homicides. ; Col termine femminicidio si intende una violenza estrema (fisica, psicologica, economica e istituzionale) da parte dell'uomo contro la donna in quanto tale, connotata cioè nella sua dimensione di genere. Oggetto del presente contributo è l'analisi della frazione estrema di suddetta complessa e articolata realtà, quella omicidiaria.Dopo una disamina sul femminicidio nei diversi paesi del mondo lo studio focalizza l'attenzione sulla realtà italiana. Partendo dalle analisi statistiche eseguite dall'istituto Eures, che nell'ultimo rapporto sull'omicidio volontario in Italia ha sviluppato un'indagine su tutti i casi di omicidio in danno di donne avvenuti dal 2000 al 2012, gli Autori esaminano il drammatico fenomeno nelle diverse ottiche (sociale, relazionale, psicologica e criminologica), costruendo una riflessione sul femminicidio accompagnata da una lettura dei fattori di rischio, dei contesti, delle situazioni ad esso associati.Nel periodo considerato si contano in Italia 2.220 donne vittime di omicidio, pari ad una media di 171 vittime annue, ovvero ad una ogni due giorni.Il femminicidio, in Italia così come in generale nei Paesi Europei, risulta prevalentemente circoscritto nell'ambito domestico, risultando oltre 7 vittime femminili su 10 uccise nel contesto familiare. Le donne assassinate dal partner (marito o compagno) o ex-partner rappresentano il 66% degli omicidi domestici ("Parenticidi").

The public presentation of Christianity during antiquity had one of its most important stages in the ludic buildings, where the followers of Christ were executed in the framework of mass shows that sought the maximum possible cruelty. This paradoxically gave a halo of heroism to the martyrs who contributed to the expansion of the new religion. A salient part of these martyrs of the arenas were bishops and, after the Constantinian turn, their successors in the mitre became the 'lords of the amphitheatres', coinciding with the establishment of a new political, social and religious paradigm. From the late Roman Empire and in the final centuries of antiquity the bishop is no longer just a respected and influential religious leader, but also the new patronus, manager and ultimate chairman of many late-antique cities, and as such he had to decide between maintenance or the dismantling of public buildings that remained neglected by the curials since the crisis of the 3rd century. Thus, It is documented how under episcopal mandate some of the battered public infrastructures were transformed, both architecturally and symbolically, through the erection of Christian edilice. By their symbolism as old martyrdom scenes, the spectacle buildings were obviously paradigmatic places of this urban transformation. ; La presentación pública del Cristianismo durante la Antigüedad tuvo uno de sus más importantes escenarios en los edificios lúdicos, donde los seguidores de Cristo eran ejecutados en el marco de unos espectáculos de masas que buscaba la máxima crueldad posible, lo que paradójicamente otorgó un halo de heroicidad a los mártires que contribuyó a la expansión de la nueva religión. Una parte importante de estos mártires de las arenas la conformó el estamento episcopal, pero fuera de todo pronóstico, después del giro Constantiniano, sus sucesores en la mitra se convirtieron en los 'señores de los anfiteatros', coincidiendo con el establecimiento de un nuevo paradigma político, social y religioso. A partir del bajo Imperio y en los siglos finales de la Antigüedad el obispo, ya no es solo un líder religioso respetado e influyente, sino también el nuevo patronus, gestor y responsable último de muchas ciudades tardoantiguas, y como tal debía decidir entre el mantenimiento o el desmantelamiento de los edificios públicos que permanecían desatendidos por los curiales desde la crisis del siglo III. Así, se documenta cómo bajo mandato episcopal parte de las maltrechas infraestructuras públicas se transformaron, arquitectónica y simbólicamente, mediante la erección de edilicia cristiana. Naturalmente, los edificios de espectáculos, por su simbolismo como antiguos escenarios martiriales, fueron lugares paradigmáticos de esta transformación urbana.

In this article we will study the kilometer long inscription in the desert "ni pena ni miedo" by Chilean poet Raúl Zurita in the Atacama Desert in 1993 based on visual, symbolic and material relationships. First, the notion of landscape in his poetic work will be established as a projection of the politics of the post-dictatorship. Second, this inscription in the desert is presented from its contextual and material relations, both as a counterpoint to the Memorial of the Disappeared Detainee and the Political Executed (1993) and in relation to the hegemonic Chilean political discourse in the 1990s. Finally, the erosion and subsequent restoration of the inscription will be weighed. ; En este artículo se estudiará la kilométrica inscripción "ni pena ni miedo" del poeta chileno Raúl Zurita en el Desierto de Atacama, en 1993, partir de relaciones visuales, simbólicas y materiales. Primero, se establecerá la noción de paisaje que hay en su obra poética como proyección de la política de la postdictadura. Segundo, se presentará esta inscripción a partir de sus relaciones contextuales, simbólicas y materiales, es decir, tanto en contrapunto con el Memorial del Detenido Desaparecido y del Ejecutado Político ubicado en el Cementerio General de Santiago (1993) como en relación al discurso político chileno hegemónico en los años 90. Por último, se sopesará la erosión y posterior restauración de la inscripción.

During the late 1920s and 1930s, a group of Italian modernist architects, known as 'rationalists', launched an ambitious bid for convincing Mussolini that their brand of architectural modernism was best suited to become the official art of the Fascist state (arte di stato). They produced buildings of exceptional quality and now iconic status in the annals of international architecture, as well as an even more impressive register of ideas, designs, plans, and proposals that have been recognized as visionary works. Yet, by the end of the 1930s, it was the official monumental stile littorio – classical and monumental yet abstracted and stripped-down, infused with modern and traditional ideas, pluralist and 'willing to seek a third way between opposite sides in disputes', the style curated so masterfully by Marcello Piacentini – that set the tone of the Fascist state's official architectural representation. These two contrasted architectural programmes, however, shared much more than what was claimed at the time and has been assumed since. They represented programmatically, ideologically, and aesthetically different expressions of the same profound desire to materialize in space and eternity the Fascist 'Third Way' future avant la lettre. In both cases, architecture (and urban planning as the scalable articulation of architecture on an urban, regional, and national territorial level) became the 'total' media used to signify and not just express, to shape and not just reproduce or simulate, to actively give before passively receiving meaning. Still, it was the more all-encompassing and legible coordinates of space and time in the 'rooted' modernism of the stile littorio that captured and expressed a third-way mediation between universality and singularity and between futural modernity and tradition better than the trenchant, inflexible anti-monumentalism of the rationalists.

Throughout the 20th century, many countries witnessed the implementation of large-scale agricultural development and colonization policies (ADCP). Inspired by agrarian ideologies as well as by different forms of social and political utopias, these involved major land reforms aimed primarily at modernizing the agricultural sector. Their translation into practice was carried on by agricultural development and colonization schemes (ADCS). ADCS combined large-scale land reclamation with major (re)settlement of 'problematic' groups (hired labourers, ethnic minorities, war veterans, refugees, dissidents, etc.) often in un- or under-populated areas within or on the fringes of the concerned countries. ADCS were implemented in different political contexts and continued even after radical political changes. In addition to their sector-specific goals, ADCP aimed at fostering economic growth by supplying national markets, solving the critical socio-economic situation of their target groups, as well as fostering new identities through of spatial, artistic and cultural frameworks. Hence, ADCS strongly contributed to the construction of national identities and cultures – shaping behaviours, values, language, education, the fine and applied arts, etc. –, but were also central to state-building processes – establishing norms, institutions, and scientific agendas. Therefore, ADCS differ from both ancient and modern colonisations for being mostly endogenously directed towards sovereign areas (or eventually contested border zones) to consolidate cohesive national territories. ADCP were first theorized in the 19th century to serve emerging empires and nation-states (Roscher, 1856), or to remedy the effects of industrialization (Owen, 1841; Huber, 1848; Oppenheimer, 1896). Large scale ADCS were attempted in Europe from the late 19th century (Caballero, 1864; de Oliveira Martins, 1887), with major experiments conducted within the frame of post- WWI and WII reconstructions. ADCP were then adopted in former colonies after independence ...

IntroductionHIV infected patients have a higher risk of developing cancer than the general population. Kaposi's sarcoma, non‐Hodgkin's lymphoma, primary CNS lymphoma and invasive cervical cancers are considered as AIDS defining [1]. An increased incidence in recent years has been reported also for other malignancies after the introduction of cART [2,3].Materials and MethodsWe performed a retrospective multicentric evaluation of all HIV infected patients with both AIDS and non‐AIDS defining neoplasms at six Infectious Disease Units spread throughout Italy since 1991 through 2013. Cases were compared with equal number of controls without neoplasia followed at the same institutions, matched for length of HIV infection.ResultsSince 1991, 339 consecutive cases of malignancy were collected from the six convening centres, including approximately an equal proportion of AIDS (51.2%) and non‐AIDS defining tumours. Mean prevalence of tumours among centres was 8.3% (r. 6.1%–9.6%). Mean age at tumour diagnosis was significantly lower than in controls (42.6±11.0 vs 46.8±10.6 years, respectively, p<0.0001). As to risk factors for HIV infection, approximately 1/4 (26.1%) of patients were drug abusers, in equal proportion as in controls. A remarkable higher proportion of cancer patients had CD4 T‐cell counts <200 c/mmc at time of diagnosis (45.2% vs 13.3%, p<0.0001). Seventy percent of tumours occurred in males; 52.8% of tumour patients were diagnosed with AIDS before and 19.0% at the time of tumour diagnosis. Ninety (28.1%) tumour patients were dead at the time of data collection, a much higher proportion than among cases (12.9%, p<0.0001). Deaths among non‐AIDS (20.8%) and AIDS defining tumour patients (35.0%) were significantly different (p=0.005). Predictors of AIDS defining tumours at the time of data collection were: male sex (57.9% vs 40.6%, p=0.004), CD4 T‐cell counts <200 c/mmc (63.6% vs 44.1%, p<0.0001), whereas being cART treated at the time of tumour diagnosis was protective (38.0% vs 68.0%, p<0.0001). In the final multivariate model of logistic regression, male sex (OR=2.0, p=0.03) and not being cART treated (OR=2.5, p=0.001) held as independent predictors.ConclusionsOur retrospection revealed a considerably high proportion of non‐AIDS defining tumours, apparently at rise in recent years. We registered high prevalence of tumours in each centre. Absence of cART seemed related with AIDS defining tumours: once more prevention of late presentation appeared the way to avoid worse prognosis in this setting.

This paper uses the body politic metaphor to explore the dialectic of power between different political players in communal and post-communal Lombardy. On the one hand, notions of corporeal links, drawing upon an ancient and venerable tradition, were key strands of public debate on state formation in the Late Middle Ages. On the other hand, there were distinctively communal and post-communal discourses based upon the body politic metaphor. My purpose is to investigate all of these aspects through analysis of the so-called "pragmatic writings" (such as letters, decrees, notarial deeds), sources usually overlooked by historians of political thought. As is shown in this paper, the novelty of this approach makes it possible to appreciate corporeal metaphors as performative tools and instruments of political action.