Politician's Dilemma: Building State Capacity in Latin America
In: Politologija, Heft 2, S. 127-132
ISSN: 1392-1681
In: Politologija, Heft 2, S. 127-132
ISSN: 1392-1681
European regional integration processes have gradually covered most of the world regions. First of all, regions were strengthened internally and after that they began increasingly interact with each other, thus consolidating interregional relations as an integral part of their foreign policy. European Union decided to activate foreign policy actions in Latin America due to its growing economical and political significance. However, EU member's different interests have increased the gap between the official statements of EU and concrete practical policies. Such inequality of attention to Latin America led other great players of the international system to renew their interest in the region
BASE
European regional integration processes have gradually covered most of the world regions. First of all, regions were strengthened internally and after that they began increasingly interact with each other, thus consolidating interregional relations as an integral part of their foreign policy. European Union decided to activate foreign policy actions in Latin America due to its growing economical and political significance. However, EU member's different interests have increased the gap between the official statements of EU and concrete practical policies. Such inequality of attention to Latin America led other great players of the international system to renew their interest in the region
BASE
European regional integration processes have gradually covered most of the world regions. First of all, regions were strengthened internally and after that they began increasingly interact with each other, thus consolidating interregional relations as an integral part of their foreign policy. European Union decided to activate foreign policy actions in Latin America due to its growing economical and political significance. However, EU member's different interests have increased the gap between the official statements of EU and concrete practical policies. Such inequality of attention to Latin America led other great players of the international system to renew their interest in the region
BASE
The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.
BASE
The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.
BASE
The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.
BASE
The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.
BASE
This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.
BASE
This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.
BASE
This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.
BASE
The object of this master thesis is the rise of indigenous peoples in Latin America, particularly in the Andean region. The main question is which factors determine the rise of indigenous peoples and their becoming important social and political protagonists in this region. The goal of this thesis thus is to analyze the factors, which have determined both the rise of indigenous movements in Ecuador and Bolivia and the weakness of comparable movements in Peru. The dominant theoretical model in the analysis of indigenous movements in Latin America is the model of political opportunity structure. According to this model the rise of a social movement is determined by two types of variables, namely structural and organizational ones. The favorable international context and changes in the political regime (structural variables) determine a more open political space where social movements can appear. For this purpose the existence of an organizational network and practice are necessary. According to this model, the (re)democratization at the end of the 20th century created a more open political system and shifted it to a neoliberal economical model, which worsened the economical situation and lead to the dissatisfaction of the region's marginal groups. The previous existence of networks of the church, the political left and other organizations in the rural zones helped to form the strong movements of indigenous people to express the discontent with the unfinished neoliberal reforms. Though this model answers the question when indigenous movements appear, it cannot answer the question why they arise. The model lacks both the historical perspective and the state variable. The argument of this master thesis is that the state's formation process, which does not include the Indian communities and its cultural practices, increases the likelihood of the appearance of indigenous movements. In this work the state's formation process is understood as the complex variable of the state's geographical, institutional and cultural–ideological penetration. On the way of finding the solution to the main problem additional questions arise: what type of relation exists between the state and indigenous and what place do these communities take within the national community? In answering these questions the historical comparative analysis of Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru is conducted. The main findings of the analysis show that until the middle of the 20th century the weak geographical and institutional penetration of the Andean states not only created state clientelism but also favorable conditions for maintaining cultural traditions and communal practices of indigenous communities. Even though this feature is important in the analysis of the rise of indigenous movements it is not sufficient for explaining why we can see the politicization of ethnical identity in Ecuador and Bolivia while there is silence in Peru. The analysis of the position of indigenous people in the national community shows that the decisive variable is the cultural dimension and the relation between Indian and national mestizo cultures. In Ecuador and Bolivia the contraposition between white people and Indian ones is maintained, while in the case of Peru the national political elite used the symbols of Indian culture which have become a part of the national symbols. Thus the distance between indigenous communities and the state is smaller in Peru. Here the indigenous communities feel like a part of the nation. The variable of the state formation process is understood as a complex variable of geographical, institutional and cultural penetration. It has a bigger explanatory power in answering to the question why the indigenous people rise in some countries while in others they do not. It emphasizes not on the variable of the more open political system, but on the importance of the state variable and the historical perspective of Latin American development.
BASE
The object of this master thesis is the rise of indigenous peoples in Latin America, particularly in the Andean region. The main question is which factors determine the rise of indigenous peoples and their becoming important social and political protagonists in this region. The goal of this thesis thus is to analyze the factors, which have determined both the rise of indigenous movements in Ecuador and Bolivia and the weakness of comparable movements in Peru. The dominant theoretical model in the analysis of indigenous movements in Latin America is the model of political opportunity structure. According to this model the rise of a social movement is determined by two types of variables, namely structural and organizational ones. The favorable international context and changes in the political regime (structural variables) determine a more open political space where social movements can appear. For this purpose the existence of an organizational network and practice are necessary. According to this model, the (re)democratization at the end of the 20th century created a more open political system and shifted it to a neoliberal economical model, which worsened the economical situation and lead to the dissatisfaction of the region's marginal groups. The previous existence of networks of the church, the political left and other organizations in the rural zones helped to form the strong movements of indigenous people to express the discontent with the unfinished neoliberal reforms. Though this model answers the question when indigenous movements appear, it cannot answer the question why they arise. The model lacks both the historical perspective and the state variable. The argument of this master thesis is that the state's formation process, which does not include the Indian communities and its cultural practices, increases the likelihood of the appearance of indigenous movements. In this work the state's formation process is understood as the complex variable of the state's geographical, institutional and cultural–ideological penetration. On the way of finding the solution to the main problem additional questions arise: what type of relation exists between the state and indigenous and what place do these communities take within the national community? In answering these questions the historical comparative analysis of Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru is conducted. The main findings of the analysis show that until the middle of the 20th century the weak geographical and institutional penetration of the Andean states not only created state clientelism but also favorable conditions for maintaining cultural traditions and communal practices of indigenous communities. Even though this feature is important in the analysis of the rise of indigenous movements it is not sufficient for explaining why we can see the politicization of ethnical identity in Ecuador and Bolivia while there is silence in Peru. The analysis of the position of indigenous people in the national community shows that the decisive variable is the cultural dimension and the relation between Indian and national mestizo cultures. In Ecuador and Bolivia the contraposition between white people and Indian ones is maintained, while in the case of Peru the national political elite used the symbols of Indian culture which have become a part of the national symbols. Thus the distance between indigenous communities and the state is smaller in Peru. Here the indigenous communities feel like a part of the nation. The variable of the state formation process is understood as a complex variable of geographical, institutional and cultural penetration. It has a bigger explanatory power in answering to the question why the indigenous people rise in some countries while in others they do not. It emphasizes not on the variable of the more open political system, but on the importance of the state variable and the historical perspective of Latin American development.
BASE
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
BASE
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
BASE