Suchergebnisse

U tekstu se naglašava središnja uloga staha u razmatranju problema političkog poretka i dokazuje da svaka teorija države i razvijena politička ideologija teži da izbegne kolektivne posledice straha. Uprkos njegovoj važnosti, problem straha je bio zanemarivan u glavnim tokovima političke teorije. Autor je ponudio kratku geneaologiju načina na koji se problem straha razmatrao u tradicionalnoj političkoj teoriji, počev od Tukidida. U središtu analize je složeni odnos između poretka, straha i legitimnosti u radovima Giljerma Ferera i njegovog učenika Ištvana Biba. U poslednjem delu teksta autor je pokušao da pokaže kako se o političkoj dinamici Balkana može razmišljati u širim okvirima Fererove političke teorije. On smatra da Fererov pojam kvazilegitimnosti može biti plodan za takvu analizu. ; The article stressed the centrality of fear for political order, arguing that every theory of state, every developed political ideology tend to evade collective consequences of fear. Despite its importance, the problem of fear was neglected in mainstream political theory. The author offers a short genealogy of the way the problem of fear was addressed in traditional political theory since Thucydides. The focus of analysis is the complex relations between order (government), fear and legitimacy in the works of Guglielmo Ferrero and his disciple Bibó István. In the last part of article, the author makes an attempt to demonstrate how political dynamic on the Balkans could be refl ected within broader framework of Ferrero's political theory. He found that Ferrero's concept of quasi-legitimacy might be very useful in that analysis.

International police and other cooperation is a necessity of the modern world and imperative for the survival of human civilization. The goal of cooperation is that states and the international community unite in opposing crime as the greatest peacetime evil in the world. This is particularly in relation to organized crime, terrorism, and corruption and other most serious forms of crime in contemporary society. Cooperation takes place at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. Bilateral cooperation mainly has a trans-border character of neighboring countries, while the regional cooperation between states within certain areas such as the SEE region (Western Balkan) or Europe (e.g. Europol). Multilateral cooperation is mainly on a broader level, e.g. in the field of combating terrorism or through universal organizations (e.g. Interpol). International police cooperation in Europe has a long tradition. One part takes place today in this area through the OSCE, with the caveat that this is a global organization that deals with security issues. The Council of Europe is the next organization through which co-operation began in the past and is partly carried out to this day, given that it brings all European countries together (except Belarus). Cooperation is more intensive still throughout the European Union, its forerunners, the current forms of the organization and present mechanisms (EAW- European surrender and arrest warrant).53 The cooperation in the EU, that takes place through Europol as a specialized agency of the Union is especially current, but with minimal operational competencies. In the SEE region, a significant cooperation between countries of the former Yugoslavia and countries in its neighborhood has been achieved. This cooperation is not only based on bilateral and multilateral acts, but primarily regional documents of which the most important are the International Convention on Police Cooperation in SEE and SELEC Convention. According to these and other acts, all the countries in the region have taken part in regional cooperation, since the fight against crime is the common interest of all. This applies in particular to organized crime, terrorism, corruption and other most serious forms of crime. Extremely important shapes, forms and mechanisms of international police cooperation are: exchange of information, joint investigation teams, joint operational actions, liaison officers, contact points, regional centers for police and customs cooperation, joint police stations and others. To recap, international police cooperation in the world today is an expression of anti-criminal solidarity between states and its prospects are clear, because the danger of crime is global and requires a harmonized response at the international level.

The international business has been consistently represented in the world economy for more than 150 years and has been continuously increasing and strengthening all the time, making it today the most important economic and globalization factor that undoubtedly dominates the world economy. It is characterized primarily by the so-called. multinational corporations that operate through their affiliates in several countries with the main goal of maintaining and increasing their profits. They are now present practically in all countries of the world, and it is estimated that their business activities now contribute to generating the global GDP of about 75%. Such a progressive multinational business generally bases itself on highly competent management and the use of the latest and increasingly productive technologies as a materialized expression of the development of applied economic and social sciences. Within all this, regarding the world-established freedom of movement of capital and labor, national states are making increasing efforts to regulate the breakthrough and functioning of an international business in their territories in the interest of their progress.In this context, in order to regulate the operation of the international business, it has been selected to study the treatment of international business in Serbia, as a small transition country, with the results thus obtained being representative for all the countries of the present day. Consequently, the focus of these studies is the attitude of the state of Serbia and its higher education towards the emerging international business. In this paper, with the help of an adequate questionnaire and respondents from higher education institutions, the attitude of the state and higher education towards the international business is considered, where adequate breakthrough of the positive and inert suppression of the negative activity of that business is ascertained. The positive treatment of this business is reflected in the state stimulation of its attraction in order to raise the level of GDP and employment, while the negative sides refer to the insufficient protection of national economic entities, the poor protection of the available natural resources, and the insufficient study of that business in higher education system of Serbia.On this basis, the paper presents suggestions that the state of Serbia and its higher education should even more constructively treat international business in the function of its further economic prosperity. Of course, all these results are not representative for Serbia only, but practically for all other countries.

In this paper the author points out to the importance of main organizations for establishing of international peace and security. They are the following: League of Nations, United Nations, Organizations of European Security and Co-operation, Conference of European Security and Co-operation, European Council, West European Union and NATO. Until the end of the Cold war, the universal organizations have played primordial role, but after the mentioned period the regional ones took the lead. The reason lies in the shift in balance of power - from bipolar to unipolar. The League of Nations and CESC can be observed from the historic perspective. NATO and UN played a crucial role during the internationalization of Kosovo issue and the act of intervention itself. NATO demonstrated its power and proved in the absence of real balance of power, la force l'emporte sur le droit. On the other hand, UN had passed several resolutions that condemned violence in Kosovo and Metohia (1160, 1199 and 1203 - all passed in 1998). During 1999 Security Council had passed a famous Resolution 1244, by which it was decided a civic and military mission should be established in Kosovo and Metohia - UNMIK and KFOR KFOR dealt with security issues in order to ensure the respect of it to all nationalities in Kosovo and Metohia. UNMIK set a very ambitious task lying ahead trying to establish standards before the future status. Realizing that it would be impossible to reach the standards, UNMIK started with the policy of status determination without standards establishing. The outcome of such policy is Ahtissari's Plan for supervised Independence of Kosovo, and finally the Declaration of Self-proclaimed Independence of Kosovo. We are also witnessing the transfer of horizontal and vertical effective state authorizations to the mentioned international organizations, bearing in mind problems it encounters. NATO deals with security issues, but European Union being unable to deal with such tasks (ESDP policy is to be as attempt), is more concentrated on economic issues.

Thucydides is considered to be the founder of political realism. Even in those times he determined the basic premises of realism - security and survival. He made an impact on subsequent development of realism embodied in the works of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Morgenthau, Car, Niebuhr, Aaron, Waltz etc. They will call the system of international relations as anarchical one since there is no supreme arbitrator which will force states to adequate behaviour. His views of realism were given in the volume 'The Peloponnesian War' where he had determined the anarchy of the relationships among states. Such system did not rely on justice and morale, but force and power were the predominant facts. He also introduces the category of just wars by claiming that Sparta led a just war against the increased power of Athens, and observed morale principles. Nevertheless, Thucydides faces contradictory, since Sparta itself as the largest land force of that time had to use force in order to beat Athens. He went ahead since he considered force and power as a necessary condition to achieve other objectives, which was later on adopted by Raymond Aaron. Following the example of the war between Athens and Sparta, he successfully analysed bipolar system of balance of power in which the conflict between the leading members of the two opposite blocks was possible in the end, while beforehand there should have been conflicts among weaker members of both blocks. Thucydides explained the manifestation of force and power using example of the Melian dialogue between the envoys of Athens and Melos. It was about the pure politics of force of Athens regardless of the fact that Melos had its independence.

U sklopu internacionalizacije političke podrške porodici i roditeljstvu značajna uloga pripada međunarodnim organizacijama, kao što su Svetska banka, Organizacija za ekonomsku saradnju i razvoj i Evropska unija. Cilj ovog rada predstavlja analiza konceptualizacije roditeljstva u zvaničnim dokumentima i relevantnim publikacijama ovih organizacija u poslednje dve decenije, kao i njene pedagoške implikacije razmatrane sa stanovišta kritičke teorije. Metodom analize sadržaja u istraživanju je utvrđeno da se roditeljstvo konceptualizuje kao skup veština usmerenih na postizanje predvidivih ishoda dečjeg razvoja. Roditeljske veštine sagledavaju se kao jedna vrsta socijalne investicije. Ulaganje u učenje roditeljskih veština donosi dugoročne koristi pojedincima i društvu koje prevazilaze inicijalne troškove. Iako se teorijska orijentacija ne eksplicira u međunarodnoj političkoj agendi, jasno se može zaključiti da je zasnovana na postavkama teorije ljudskog kapitala. Na osnovu obavljenog istraživanja može se konstatovati da roditeljska uloga u pomenutoj agendi ima ključni značaj u obezbeđivanju podsticajne sredine za učenje deteta i njegov ukupni budući prosperitet, nezavisno od sistemskih ili strukturnih karakteristika društva. Ona je višedimenzionalna i može se opisati kao: (a) instrumentalna, jer predstavlja ključni faktor rešavanja društvenih problema velikih razmera; fokus nije na inherentnoj vrednosti "biti roditelj", već na funkcionalnoj vrednosti – "obavljati posao roditelja"; (b) globalno normativno određena u smislu "pozitivnog" ili "dobrog" roditeljstva i (c) suštinski vulnerabilna, što znači da je svim roditeljima potrebna određena vrsta ekspertske podrške, a ne samo targetiranim grupama. Sa stanovišta kritičke teorije, pedagoška kritika ovih postavki dovodi u pitanje tendenciju instrumentalizacije, dekontekstualizacije i "profesionalizacije roditeljstva". ; Within internationalization of political support to family and parenting, significant role belongs to international organizations such as the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the European Union. The goal of this paper is the analysis of parenting conceptualization in official documents and relevant publications of these organizations. The parenting is conceptualized as the set of skills directed to fostering the predictable outcomes of children's development. The parenting skills are perceived as a type of social investment. The investment into learning parenting skills brings long-term benefits both to individuals and society, which surpass the initial costs. The significance of parenting competences is of a special importance in the period of early childhood and adolescence for two reasons. The first one is that there are critical periods in encouraging development of certain outcomes in children, and the second one is cumulativeness of learning process due to which the missed opportunities may decrease efficiency of future learning during life cycle. It is viewed that the parenting role is of crucial significance in providing a stimulating environment for a child's learning and his/her comprehensive future prosperity regardless of the system or structural characteristics of a society. It is multidimensional and can be described as: (a) instrumental, since it represents the key factor in resolving large-scale social problems. The focus is not on inherent value of "being a parent" but on functional value – "performing a job of a parent"; (b) normatively specified on the global level in the sense of "positive" or "good" parenting and (c) essentially vulnerable, which means that all parents need a certain type of professional support and not only the targeted groups. Pedagogical critique of these postulates questions the tendency of instrumentalisation, de-contextualization and "professionalization of parenting". ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Im Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung steht das Konzept der Neuen Internationalen Informationsordnung. Der Autor befaßt sich insbesondere mit dem Problem der ungleichen Entwicklung der Informationsmittel und der Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten in der Welt. Nach seiner Ansicht würde die internationale Informationsordnung eine Rechtsgrundlage für die Beseitigung von Ungleichheiten im Bereich der Kommunikationen schaffen und darüber hinaus zur Verwirklichung der Informationsfreiheit beitragen. (BIOst-Klk)

After the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.

This article presents results of the research in contemporary trends of international economic inequality. The author argues that international economic inequality is a bidirectional and complex concept. The bidirectionality and complexity of the concept is reflected in the fact that there are countries that concurrently converge to or diverge from the most developed countries in terms of their economic development. The key finding presented here is the rise of economic inequality between countries, especially between the poorest and the richest countries. The exceptions are some countries that have made significant progress in the period from 2000 to 2014 in reducing the economic inequality in comparison to the richest countries. The most important factors that have contributed to their progress are distinctive economic institutions and development policies of those countries, as well as the effects of the financial crisis since 2007-2008, which caused a decade-long stagnation in the most developed parts of the world. ; Rad je posvećen istraživanju savremenih trendova međunarodne ekonomske nejednakosti. Namera autora u ovom radu jeste da ukaže da je međunarodna ekonomska nejednakost dvosmeran i složen koncept. Dvosmernost i složenost tog koncepta se ogleda u činjenici da istovremeno postoje zemlje koje se u pogledu razvoja udaljavaju ili približavaju najrazvijenijim državama. Ključni zaključak rada jeste da ekonomska nejednakost između država raste, posebno između najsiromašnijih i najbogatijih država. Izuzetak su pojedine zemlje koje su u periodu od 2000. do 2014. godine učinile značajan iskorak u smanjenju ekonomske nejednakosti u usporedbi sa najbogatijim državama. Najvažnije faktore koji su doprineli tom napretku čine osobene ekonomske institucije i razvojne politike tih država, kao i finansijske krize i višedecenijska stagnacija u najrazvijenijim delovima sveta.

Pitanje prava drzava na samoodbranu je jedno od fundamentalnih pitanja medjunarodnog javnog prava. Ovo nacelo koji postoji koliko i samo medjunarodno pravo, formulisano je na univerzalan nacin sredinom proslog vijeka, i postoje mnogi pisani radovi o njegovoj izradi i tumacenju. Pozivanje na samoodbranu kroz cijelu istoriju je koristeno kao opravdanje za zloupotrebu sile od strane drzava van svojih teritorija. ; Question of right of states to self-defense is one of the fundamental questions of public international law. This principle, which exists just as long as public international law does, was formulated in universal manner by the mid 20th century and there are many written works on its formulation and interpretation. Invoking self-defense during the course of history was used as a pretext for the use of force by the states outside of its territories. Right of states to self-defense originates from customary international law. During antic and medieval times, principle of self-defense was linked to the theory of just war which was differently interpreted in different times. In the period between two world wars, still there was no absolute prohibition of the use of force in international relations so the principle of self-defense was linked to the right of self-help through use of different forcible measures: retorsions, reprisals, naval blockade, intervention and demonstration of naval power. Contrary to the period of League of Nations, mechanism of implementation of international law was centralized by the foundation of the United Nations because a single body – Security Council – was entrusted with the authority to determine when the use of force is allowed in international law. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter defines that the states have a right to individual or collective self-defense in case of armed attack on the UN member state. This right is considered legitimate until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.