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The defence of the market and economic freedom have been the main objectives of the investigations by liberal thinkers such as Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, F Hayek and L Von Mises. Bearing in mind that the first two economists are the maximum exponents of the Chicago School and the last two of the Austrian School, it is often concluded that the theories of both schools are similar. This book demonstrates that in reality, there is no convergence or complementariness to be found between both schools of thought. The anthropological categories, contributed by Mises, allow us to understand all human phenomena from the view of the man who acts. In this view, economics is part of a philosophical system whose core is the creative capacity of people. Becker's work, on the other hand, is concentrated on the generalization of the homo economicus as the basis for explaining all human behaviour. He generalizes the maximizing principle to explain all human reality, and extends the scope of the application of a so-called scientific and technical view of the world. In this key volume, an important read for those in the fields of economic theory and political economy, Javier Aranzadi argues, in essence, that the tradition of Hayek and Mises encourages a humanistic liberalism, whereas the Chicago School proposes only a technical humanism.

The defence of the market and economic freedom have been the main objectives of the investigations by liberal thinkers such as Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, F Hayek and L Von Mises. Bearing in mind that the first two economists are the maximum exponents of the Chicago School and the last two of the Austrian School, it is often concluded that the theories of both schools are similar. This book demonstrates that in reality, there is no convergence or complementariness to be found between both schools of thought. The anthropological categories, contributed by Mises, allow us to understand all human phenomena from the view of the man who acts. In this view, economics is part of a philosophical system whose core is the creative capacity of people. Becker's work, on the other hand, is concentrated on the generalization of the homo economicus as the basis for explaining all human behaviour. He generalizes the maximizing principle to explain all human reality, and extends the scope of the application of a so-called scientific and technical view of the world. In this key volume, an important read for those in the fields of economic theory and political economy, Javier Aranzadi argues, in essence, that the tradition of Hayek and Mises encourages a humanistic liberalism, whereas the Chicago School proposes only a technical humanism.

A political philosophy that emerged from the Enlightenment, liberalism has a complex relationship with democracy, colonialism, postcolonialism, globalization, and literature. Democracy has been shaped by a tension between "classical liberalism", which prioritizes liberty, and "modern liberalism", which emphasizes equality. Liberalism also moulded the informal empire of free trade, and the "liberal imperialism" that devised a "civilizing mission" to justify formal empire. The development of liberalism has been vital in the anglophone settler colonies, particularly the USA; often, especially in South Africa, it has been focused on racial justice. The neo-liberalism that emerged in the late twentieth century advocates the globalization of unfettered capitalism and personal liberty. Many postcolonialists consider neo-liberalism a reprise of liberal imperialism, with "human rights" replacing the "civilizing mission" as a cultural-imperialist pretext for economic exploitation.

Liberalism will survive this crisis, as it has many others, but it will have changed. The felt need to ensure the security of the economy, and the threats posed to the social order by individuals with potentially threatening capabilities, will require more and more surveillance of our everyday lives and more and more of our participation in those processes of 'keeping an eye out' for anonymous parcels, suspicious behaviours, provocative speech and dangerous thoughts. We will all be enlisted in the Army of Observation, free to choose but self-regulating in our choices. Everyone will watch everyone, and the new age of opto-liberalism will have dawned.

I. H. Handley. Religious liberalism.--II. F. C. Burkitt. Theological liberalism.--III. J. R. Wilkinson. Biblical liberalism.--IV. C. R. Shaw Stewart. Devotional liberalism.--V. H. Rashdall. Clerical liberalism.--VI. P. Gardner. Lay liberalism.--VII. Sir C. T. D. Acland. Political liberalism.--VIII. A. J. Carlyle. Social liberalism.--IX. H. G. Woods. Past liberalism.--X. A. Caldecott. Nonconformist liberalism.--XI. W. D. Morrison. German Evangelic liberalism.--XII. A. L. Lilley. Roman Catholic liberalism. ; Mode of access: Internet.

1. Reclaiming Democratic Classical Liberalism; David Ellerman -- 2. Democracy, Liberalism, and Discretion: The Political Puzzle of the Administrative State; Stephen Turner -- 3. Ordoliberalism as the Operationalisation of Liberal Politics; Mikayla Novak -- 4. Liberalism, Through a Glass Darkly; David F. Hardwick and Leslie Marsh -- 5. Liberalism and the Nine Waves of Modern Freedom; David D. Corey -- 6. Liberalism for the 21st Century: From markets to civil society, from economics to human beings; Gus diZerega -- 7. The Origins of the Rule of Law; Andrew Irvine -- 8. Burke's Liberalism: Prejudice, Habit, and Affections and the Remaking of the Social Contract; Lauren Hall -- 9. Democratic Peace Theory, Montesquieu, and Public Choice; Sarah Burns and Chad Van Schoelandt -- 10. 'China's Hayek' and the Horrors of Totalitarianism: the Liberal Lessons in Gu Zhun's Thought; Chor-yung Cheung.

This book explores liberalism's past and present transformations and proposes a prospective future as a neo-republican democratic liberalism. Bellamy engages with theorists of liberalism from J. S. Mill, through T. H. Green, Guido De Ruggiero, Carl Schmitt and Joseph Schumpeter, to F. A. Hayek, John Rawls and Michael Walzer. He contends that the pluralism and complexity of modern societies have undermined liberalism's communitarian and ethical assumptions. Studies of the Poll Tax fiasco in Britain, and of the constitutional dilemmas posed by the European Union confirm the contemporary inadequa