The recent success of ethnolinguistic politics is considered to be the outcome of friction between the existing pattern of political integration & a set of relatively new SE conditions. The development of the latter is part of what may be implied in the phrase "postindustrial society." The Belgian pattern of political integration is characterized by very low levels of differentiation between the parties, the administration, & the voluntary organizations. It implies a mode of political participation in which the recent developments in the organization of labor, expansion of the tertiary sector, geographical mobility, & urbanization lead to political marginality for the groups concerned. This marginality expresses itself in support for ethnolinguism, which serves as an alternative route to political integration. This theory is evaluated on the basis of an ecological analysis of the success of an ethnolinguistic party (the front democratique des francophones [Democratic Francophone Front]) in the 1970 & 1976 communal elections. 2 Tables. Modified HA.
The study of the linguistic parity within the Council of Ministers, constitutionalized in 1970, reveals the political complexity of Belgium. At the heart of community relations, it is part of the permanent debate between the Dutch- and French-speaking. In 36 years of constitutional existence, the parity rules have never been questioned; however, linguistic tensions often wavered, sometimes caused the fall, of government. The article intends to determine the rule of linguistic parity between Dutch and French-speaking people: one give-give situation that is supposed to solve the community disputes through the introduction of a federal system 1) at the national level (majority Flemish); 2) at the level of Brussels (minority Flemish); 3) on the level of political application (majority Flemish). In addition, does the linguistic parity ensure in concrete terms a linguistic balance within the Council of Ministers? Based on subjective criteria (the attribution of points by politicians and observers of the political life) as on an objective criterion (the budget of the government departments) the presence of a linguistic balance is then confirmed, from which each linguistic group profits; the Dutch-speaking ones by the post of Prime Minister and a greater number of state secretaries, the French-speaking people by an over-representation on the level the country's management. Figures. O. van Zijl
Campaign propaganda (with other variables) provides a proper content to the elections. An analysis is made of its use at the General Elections of Mar 31, 1968. In 1967, Belgian PO was not focused on linguistic, cultural & nat'lity problems. However, at the General Elections of Mar 1968 3 out of the 5 main issues dealt with these problems. Besides the issue of federalization of the pol'al system, the linguistic & org'al issue of Brussels & the relocation of the French section of the Catholic U of Louvain, one finds only full employment & inflation as major issues in the campaign. This issue-debate does not put opposition & gov'al parties one against another, but places the 6 main parties in a complex cross-cutting & the electors in a strong cross-pressure field. This is still complicated by the increase of personal propaganda. AA.
Philosophy; Political science; Culture and institutions; Anthropology - De geesteswetenschappen nemen in hoog tempo afscheid van het postmodernisme. Filosofen, historici, sociologen en antropologen staan opnieuw voor een intellectueel draaimoment. Na de linguistic turn en de cultural turn is er nu een ethische wende. In tal van cultuurwetenschappen probeert men om oudere tradities en concepten weer zinvol in te zetten. De geesteswetenschappelijke carrousel brengt deze heroriëntering in kaart. Deze nieuwe ronde in het debat over de verhouding van wetenschap, politiek en cultuur wordt eerst gevolgd op wetenschapsfilosofisch niveau. Vervolgens komt de huidige politieke discussie over identiteit, tolerantie en solidariteit aan bod. Het leggen van een geloofwaardig verband tussen moraal, politiek en wetenschap blijkt een oefening in intellectuele evenwichtskunst.
Changes in the post-WWII organization & structure of the Belgian political party system are discussed, focusing on the emergence of the welfare state. The prevalent trend of subcontracting social services to private firms, under the general direction of the sponsoring parties, is noted. The linguistic fractionalization of the major parties, the dynamics among the Catholic majority concentrated in Flanders, the socialist opposition centered chiefly in Wallonia, & the "balance" liberal parties are examined. Shifts in party identification & function, eg, toward clientelism & a dominant role in public policy formulation, are detailed, along with the role of TV in disseminating party propaganda. The declining role of party volunteers & grassroots activism is also discussed. Modified HA.
ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1388. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project.
ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (from November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1432. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.1 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. As opposed to the previous version 2.0, this version corrects some errors in various corpora and adds the information on upper / lower house for bicameral parliaments. The vertical files have also been changed to make them easier to use in the concordancers.
In 1975/76, the Belgian government gave high priority to the restructuring of local government. By means of mergers, the total number of communes decreased from 2,359 to 596. The decision-making process that led to the mergers is studied. The single most important factor was the personality of & the initiatives taken by the Minister of the Interior. He dealt with the delimitation of the new communes as well as personnel, finances, & transfer of goods. Local governments had only the option of advising on the delimitation of the new communes' territory (in some cases even that option was de facto & denied to them). These new delimitations were approved by the legislative assemblies at the end of 1975, after difficult & heated debates. At the same time, important resistance to the mergers developed on the part of the communes & opposition parties, particularly the Belgian Socialist Party, which did not participate in the government that drew the new map of communes according to its own objectives. Opposition parties were in agreement with the principle of the mergers; they mainly contested the way in which they were executed. Abolition of the federations of communes around the Brussels agglomeration, which was decided at the same time, must be understood in the context of the typically Belgian problem of the coexistence of two different linguistic groups. Modified HA.
Confronted with acute SE problems, the Socialist & the Christian Democratic trade unions in 1976 strengthened their "Common Trade Unions" Front' (with about 2 million members out of a total of 2,300,000 wage- & salary-earners in Belgium) in view of negotiating with employers & with the government, for which the trade unions have submitted a common platform. This common front has antecedents on the local, regional, & professional levels, but has never been & never will be of a permanent nature. This is due as much to historical, as to ideological causes. The principle of class struggle is basic to the socialist union, & christian doctrine is basic to the Christian Democrat concept. The two unions are imbalanced in their linguistic division. Socialists dominate the French-speaking South, while the Christians dominate the Flemish-speaking North. Each confederation wants to maintain its identity. From the employer's view (& to some extent completely independent from the trade union's common front) representatives of employer's organizations have launched the idea that a new & comprehensive "social contract" should be negotiated. The Christian Democratic Union favors such a pact, but since the socialist trade union rejects this idea--which would lead to a further integration in the capitalist system--the probability for such a pact to be realized at present is rather low. Modified HA.
The question is explored whether municipal elections can be compared to nat'l parliamentary elections, & shifts in party-choice in Belgium in the municipal elections of 1964 & the parliamentary elections of 1965 are compared. The methodology of this study is described. Shifts of the electoral bodies in the Flemish, the Walloon & the Brussels cantons (counties) were controlled individually. These shifts were then specified according to the canton's degree of Ur'ization. It appeared that some notable party-shifts had been realized during the short period between the municipal elections of 1964 & the legislative elections of 1965. In general, a certain polarization took place, due to a centrifugal vote shift to the left. The direction of vote shifts in the municipal elections of 1964 was affirmed at the legislative elections of 1965, & was accentuated from some parties, eg, the CVP & the PVV. The size & pattern of these shifts was not the same everywhere; it differed according to linguistic region & degree of Ur'ization. The level of oscillations grew higher as the degree of Ur'ization decreased. The largest shifts took place in the Walloon cantons. The lowest oscillations were noted in the Flemish & Brussels cantons; ie, the voting behavior of the big agglomerations during the municipal elections of 1964 were the closest to the nat'l electoral pattern. It is noted that the limitations of the study do not allow generalization of conclusions. The short period between the 2 elections compared was itself an exceptional situation which may have influenced the results. 7 Tables. Modified HA.
This book contains a unique new selection of his most important essays from the extensive oeuvre of the Dutch historian Johan Huizinga. These essays and studies have been chosen on the basis of the different subject matter that Huizinga was involved in; ranging from the Middle Ages, Renaissance, Modern History and Cultural History in general. These selections are introduced and illuminated by Prof. dr. Willem Otterspeer who is also Huizinga's biographer. Johan Huizinga was born in Groningen, in 1872. He studied Dutch and Oriental language and literature at the University of Groningen (1891 - 1895) and comparative linguistic at the University of Leipzig (1895-1896). In 1915, he was appointed professor of general history at the Leiden University. His most famous works include The Autumn of the Middle Ages (1919), which dealt with life, ideas, art, and behaviors of the upper classes of Burgundy in the 14th and 15th centuries, Erasmus (1924), a biography of the famous Dutch Renaissance scholar, and Homo Ludens (1938), focusing on the element of play in human culture. - De hand van Huizinga bevat een nieuwe selectie van de belangrijkste essays uit het omvangrijke oeuvre van de wereldberoemde Nederlandse historicus Johan Huizinga. Deze essays en studies zijn geselecteerd op basis van de diverse disciplines waarmee Huizinga zich bezighield - van de Middeleeuwen tot de Renaissance en van de moderne tot de algemene culturele geschiedenis. Deze selectie wordt geïntroduceerd en toegelicht door Huizinga-biograaf Willem Otterspeer. Johan Huizinga werd in 1872 in Groningen geboren. Tot zijn bekendste werken behoren Herfsttij der Middeleeuwen (1919), Erasmus (1924) en Homo Ludens (1938). De hand van Huizinga wordt gepubliceerd als onderdeel van "http://www.oapen.org/">OAPEN. "http://www.oapen.org/">OAPEN is een Open Access project voor het publiceren van monografieën in de geesteswetenschappen en sociale wetenschappen. De Open Access-beweging heeft zich snel ontwikkeld bij de publicaties van tijdschriften op het gebied van de natuurwetenschappen. Het consortium "http://www.oapen.org/">OAPEN bestaat op dit moment uit zes universitaire academische uitgevers, zij geloven dat de tijd rijp is dat de mogelijkheden van Open Access ook voor de geesteswetenschappen en de sociale wetenschappen volledig benut kunnen worden.
The concern is with how the soc & econ structure of cities affects the degree of pol'al competition & how these factors in turn affect the degree of pol'al stability. Data derive from a comparative empirical study of the outcomes of the communal elections of 1952, 1958, & 1964, in 147 Belgian cities with a pop size of 10,000 or more in 1947. The following generalizations are noted: A general proliferation of election lists or parties participating in the elections from 1952 to 1964; a trend from 1-party control over the electoral college of thc city council toward coalition control; a net increase in the number of Catholic lists & a net decrease in the number of socialist & liberal lists participating; & an increase in the number of cities in which newer, smaller & non-traditional parties or lists participated in the electoral college of the city council. 3 measures of pol'al competition were used: (1) the average number of parties or lists that entered the communal elections of 1952, 1958 & 1964; (2) the average number of lists that received at least 10% of the vote in these 3 elections: & (3) the presence or absence of a coalition on the electoral college of the city council in 1952. 2 measures of pol'al stability were employed: (a) the degree of stability in the lists & parties participating, & (b) the degree of stability in the list or party controlling the electoral college of the city council. In general, measures of structural diff'iation, linguistic diversity, industr diversity, & soc heterogeneity (ie, the presence of a large Mc) are found to be positively related to the degree of competition in local pol. In turn, measures of each of these structural factors & measures of pol'al competition are negatively related to measures of pol'al stability. Regression analysis supports the interpretation that diversity & heterogeneity in the soc structure of cities--specifically, pop size, density, & the presence of many persons with high occup'al status--contribute to greater pol'al competition in local pol; but it was the degree of pol'al competition that most strongly affected the degree of pol'al stability. It is concluded that cities with a high degree of soc & econ heterogeneity have a greater amount of conflict & cleavage. This results in greater competition in the pol'al arena. 16 Tables. M. Maxfield.
