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Lobbying is one of the strategies applied by groups of interest. Like any other strategy it is to help achieve the goals that a particular group identifies and articulates. Paradoxically, the greatest value and the strongest enemy of lobbying is its popularity. On one hand lobbying is a series of activities that group elites willingly (e.g. in the U.S.) employ to achieve their interests. On the other hand, though, referring to the notion of lobbying in various contexts, whether in PR, marketing or journalism, it raises numerous questions. The latter, i.e. the journalistic context distorts it most severely. It is journalism that applies the name of lobbying to mysterious, to put it mildly, and dubious interactions between the private and the political sectors, thereby implying a rather derogatory 'image' of this instrument in public opinion, which is especially the case in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland. However, lobbying is more than a handy tool to achieve particular, strictly business interests, it is also an important route to implement social interests. It can be easily used by large economic groups of interest, trade unions or business organizations, wrestling with the strong third party of industrial relations, the state. By this token lobbying becomes a component of industrial relations, and by no means is it a worse party, one that is less socially-oriented and more like an 'old boys' network', but a party which can efficiently contribute to a specified social interest to be implemented in the labor market. In order to make it possible, though, appropriate regulations, conditions, and factors of a legal, organizational and cultural nature need to be developed. A profound change in this field does not seem feasible in Poland, which becomes clear when reading the long-awaited law on lobbying currently in the legislative process. Maybe we should not be very surprised, given that our industrial arena is highly susceptible to hybrid and ephemeral solutions, and the issue of making appropriate use of lobbying also leaves a margin for uncertainty and deformation. Despite these concerns and limitations caused by industrial relations it is worth improving and creating the proper environment for lobbying activity in Poland, which the authors of this paper try to demonstrate. ; Lobbying is one of the strategies applied by groups of interest. Like any other strategy it is to help achieve the goals that a particular group identifies and articulates. Paradoxically, the greatest value and the strongest enemy of lobbying is its popularity. On one hand lobbying is a series of activities that group elites willingly (e.g. in the U.S.) employ to achieve their interests. On the other hand, though, referring to the notion of lobbying in various contexts, whether in PR, marketing or journalism, it raises numerous questions. The latter, i.e. the journalistic context distorts it most severely. It is journalism that applies the name of lobbying to mysterious, to put it mildly, and dubious interactions between the private and the political sectors, thereby implying a rather derogatory 'image' of this instrument in public opinion, which is especially the case in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland. However, lobbying is more than a handy tool to achieve particular, strictly business interests, it is also an important route to implement social interests. It can be easily used by large economic groups of interest, trade unions or business organizations, wrestling with the strong third party of industrial relations, the state. By this token lobbying becomes a component of industrial relations, and by no means is it a worse party, one that is less socially-oriented and more like an 'old boys' network', but a party which can efficiently contribute to a specified social interest to be implemented in the labor market. In order to make it possible, though, appropriate regulations, conditions, and factors of a legal, organizational and cultural nature need to be developed. A profound change in this field does not seem feasible in Poland, which becomes clear when reading the long-awaited law on lobbying currently in the legislative process. Maybe we should not be very surprised, given that our industrial arena is highly susceptible to hybrid and ephemeral solutions, and the issue of making appropriate use of lobbying also leaves a margin for uncertainty and deformation. Despite these concerns and limitations caused by industrial relations it is worth improving and creating the proper environment for lobbying activity in Poland, which the authors of this paper try to demonstrate.

Legal Aspects of Lobbying in Decision-Making Processes of Public AdministrationThe process of decision-making in public administration is multifaceted, with the deci-sion being the result of complex proceedings aimed to settle a case or reach a specific goal. Public administration works in this area mainly in the legał environment, but not only. The decision-making process is determined by social conditions and includes agency of various persons whose conduct and actions lead to certain conseąuences. Due to the different tasks of public administration, its activity is not merely a result of the will of a given body but it can also be initiated by applicants interested in the attainment of defined objectives, including through lobbying. The essence of lobbying is to influence, within the confines of law, decisions of public authorities in a particular direction. In Poland, lobbying is nów an institution regulated by the Act of 7 July 2005 on Lobbying Activity in the Lawmaking Process (OJ No 169, item 1414).Lobbying is also very common in the European Union, where the phenomenon is not only acceptable, but even desirable.Lobbying is seen as bringing benefits for both parties consulted. Therefore, at the level of the European Union, certain standards have been determined defining the scope of relations between the Community Institutions

Lobbing, inaczej rzecznictwo interesów, stanowi istotny element współczesnej demokracji. Przybierając formę dialogu, traktowany jest jako ogniwo łączące obywateli z ugrupowaniami i instytucjami władzy. Zakłada on konieczność aktywnego uczestnictwa społeczeństwa nie tylko w sprawowaniu, ale także i kontrolowaniu władzy. ; Brussels, the visible symbol of unity in diversity is a "temple" of lobbying. Its functioning institutional structure can be recognized as agora, same as a game field for pressure groups. One sentence describes it perfectly: lobby or not to be - lobitur ergo sum. In ths book, author characterizes the phenomenon at supranational level, discusses concepts of lobbying in terms of their evolution and meaning. Reveals the influence of lobbying to the institutional and decision-making process of the Commission, the European Parliament, the European Council and the Council of the European Union to present complex interactions of lobbying and decision-making sphere. In the context of the legal framework for lobbying activities also analyse the jurisduction of the Court of Justice of the European Union on the aspect of access to documents of the EU institutions. Looking through the prism of economic interests representation, indicates the possibility of effective influence on the legislative process. Important are reflections on the direct and indirect methods and forms of activities of interest groups at the Brussels Forum, as well as litigation strategies and sharing of information using the possibilities offered by the Internet. These are the essential elements to highlight the professional rules of preparing effective lobbying strategies possible to implement at the EU level.

The purpose of this paper is to show the cooperation of various non-governmental organizations as an instrument of impact on global organizations, the European Union structures and governments to shape policies designed to respect the rights of persons with disabilities. The paper describes consortia of different levels, consisting of non-governmental organizations, their goals and actions. It was found that cooperation of many lobbying organizations is an important instrument of influencing the global, national, and the European Union policy concerning social integration of persons with disabilities. ; Celem artykułu jest ukazanie współpracy organizacji pozarządowych jako instrumentu wpływu na politykę społeczną o zasięgu światowym, struktury Unii Europejskiej i rządy poszczególnych państw celem kształtowania polityk służących realizacji praw osób niepełnosprawnych. Zaprezentowano przykłady konsorcjum różnego szczebla zrzeszających organizacje pozarządowe, a także ich cele i formy działania. Stwierdzono, że lobbying wykorzystujący współpracę wielu organizacji jest ważnym instrumentem wywierania wpływu na postanowienia polityki światowej, Unii Europejskiej i krajowej dotyczącej kwestii integracji społecznej osób niepełnosprawnych.

Głównym celem artykułu jest pokazanie deficytów związanych z obroną interesów przez aktorów niepaństwowych związanych z polską racją stanu. Ponadto artykuł przedstawia wyartykułowane i promowane interesy Polski na poziomie Unii Europejskiej. Artykuł koncentruje się także na podmiotach niepaństwowych zaangażowanych w lobbing na poziomie europejskim i krajowym. W artykule podjęto również próbę ustalenia miejsca podmiotów niepaństwowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej w kontekście wzrostu promowania polskiej racji. Oprócz wymiarów teoretycznych, artykuł ten oferuje praktyczny wgląd w funkcjonowanie polskich podmiotów niepaństwowych na poziomie europejskim, który rozwijał się w ostatnich latach. ; The main aim of the article is to show the deficits related to the defense of interests by non-state actors related to the Polish raison d'état. Moreover, the article presents the articulated and promoted interests of Poland at the European Union level. The article also focuses on non-state actors involved in lobbying at the European and national levels. The article also attempts to establish the place of non-state actors in the institutional system of the European Union in the context of increasing promotion of the Polish raison d'état. In addition to the theoretical dimensions, this article offers a practical insight into the functioning of Polish non-state actors at the European level, which has developed in recent years.

Głównym celem artykułu jest pokazanie deficytów związanych z obroną interesów przez aktorów niepaństwowych związanych z polską racją stanu. Ponadto artykuł przedstawia wyartykułowane i promowane interesy Polski na poziomie Unii Europejskiej. Artykuł koncentruje się także na podmiotach niepaństwowych zaangażowanych w lobbing na poziomie europejskim i krajowym. W artykule podjęto również próbę ustalenia miejsca podmiotów niepaństwowych w systemie instytucjonalnym Unii Europejskiej w kontekście wzrostu promowania polskiej racji. Oprócz wymiarów teoretycznych, artykuł ten oferuje praktyczny wgląd w funkcjonowanie polskich podmiotów niepaństwowych na poziomie europejskim, który rozwijał się w ostatnich latach. ; The main aim of the article is to show the deficits related to the defense of interests by non-state actors related to the Polish raison d'état. Moreover, the article presents the articulated and promoted interests of Poland at the European Union level. The article also focuses on non-state actors involved in lobbying at the European and national levels. The article also attempts to establish the place of non-state actors in the institutional system of the European Union in the context of increasing promotion of the Polish raison d'état. In addition to the theoretical dimensions, this article offers a practical insight into the functioning of Polish non-state actors at the European level, which has developed in recent years.

The aim of the article is to analyse activities of the Assembly of European Regions (AER) as an international interest group of sub-national territorial units at the regional level in Europe. The article presents the genesis of the Assembly, the evolution of its membership, as well as the tools and the channels of lobbying used. The text positively verifies the hypothesis that expansion of the Assembly on administrative regions from Central and Eastern Europe caused that strong political regions from Western Europe lost theirs interests in participating in AER's works which, in turn, weakened the AER's influence in Europe.

The article is focused on the issue of the representation of interests in the process of shaping public policies. In particular, it addresses issues related to regulatory management regarding relations with interest groups and strategies used by stakeholders in consultation processes. In addition, we aim to discuss the role that interest groups play in public policies. The analysis concerns the activities of Polish interest groups in the area of copyright, which deserves attention due to the diversity of actors and the asymmetry of interests. The analysis makes it possible to state that the actions taken by stakeholders in strengthening the representation of their interests lead to "overrepresentation" of these interests, which - in the absence of appropriate regulatory management mechanisms for the participation of parties in consultations - increases the risk of the phenomenon of "regulatory capture" by entities. The data was collected as part of the legislative monitoring of drafts of legal-copyright laws proceeded in 2013-2019, as well as semi-structured interviews conducted in 2015-2018. In order to illustrate lobbying strategies, a method of analyzing social networks was used.

Internally polarized counter-elites, that are often involved in corporate interests, do not have enough power to oppose the negative manifestations of economic transformation. In the countries of the South Caucasus, there are two types of business elites, the internal and the external ones, which "grew up" from the economic transformation. The external elites result from the privatization process, in which primarily Russians and Kazakhs are engaged. Concerning their interests in the region, they are lobbying the decision-making processes, while the local elites create the aforementioned mentioned "representative system". The wealth factor is therefore the way to exercise power. The research on business elites remains a discursive issue, which seems to be an endless subject to develop. Its analysis opens a broad discussion on the methodology of the study of elites, both in terms of their mechanisms and characteristics, as well as the theory itself. ; Małgorzata Sikora-Gaca

In the recent decade, the Polish efforts seeking extension of the U.S. Visa Waiver Program to Poland have been one of the major themes in U.S. -Polish relations and an important issue for the Polish public opinion. Polish politicians and media have often presented it in terms of American "ingratitude" for Polish support for U.S. positions like the Iraq war and the Ballistic Missile Defense program. This article, after brief outline of the provisions of the U.S. law governing visas and the Visa Waiver Program, presents a historical account of the issue and its role in bilateral relations since 1989, and describes legislative responses to Polish requests that have been introduced in Congress. After the analysis of those measures, the article concludes that the failure of Polish efforts for Poland's inclusion in the Visa Waiver Program was caused primarily by mistaken strategy (overemphasis being put on conventional diplomacy over congressional lobbying), congressional reluctance to single out individual countries for exemption from generally applicable rules, and post -9/11 political climate, unfavorable to easing of immigration rules. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio

The purpose of the article is to analyze the current condition and development prospects for the Russian LNG sector. Taking into account the specifics of the functioning of the Russian state, the author chose the realistic paradigm (neoclassical realism), which is useful in the context of showing the relationship between internal structures and external activity of the state. The author argues that Russian expansion in the LNG sector is the result of the lobbying capacity of Novatek – the largest private gas producer in Russia. Although the state budget incurs significant costs related to the implementation of Novatek projects, in particular due to fiscal preferences, it also achieves the possibility of achieving the objectives in external and internal energy policy. Novatek's expansion increases Russia's share in external energy markets; at the same time LNG expansion, it is used for internal purposes. Novatek's dominant position in the LNG sector is confirmed by both already implemented projects and plans for further expansion. The factors favoring Russian expansion are constant state support for Novatek projects, high level of internationalization of implemented projects and favorable forecasts on energy markets. The strong competition between currently dominant LNG producers and the risk of internal competition between Russian exporters are among the key long-term challenges.

Dekada polskich doświadczeń członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej pokazuje, że na gruncie krajowej polityki można określić dwa zasadnicze modele integracji, które są prezentowane przez dwie największe partie polityczne. Każda z nich zarówno Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, jak i Platforma Obywatelska RP miały możliwość praktycznej realizacji głoszonych przez liderów partyjnych tez o członkostwie Polski w UE. Różnice programowe między tymi partiami zaczęły się kreować już przy okazji prowadzonej przez nie kampanii referendalnej w sprawie akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej. To w tamtym czasie PiS zbudował swój program wokół siły Polski w Unii Europejskiej opartej między innymi na sile głosu w Radzie Unii Europejskiej i twardej polityce wzmacniającej interesy narodowe. Z kolei Platforma Obywatelska realizację swoich priorytetów polityki europejskiej widzi nie tylko w gronie członków Rady Unii Europejskiej, ale również poprzez skuteczny lobbing polskich spraw na etapie prelegislacyjnych konsultacji Komisji Europejskiej, lobbing w Parlamencie Europejskim i szeroką współpracę na niedocenionych przez wielu, forach unijnej polityki. Celem opracowania było wskazanie najważniejszych, zdaniem autora, wydarzeń charakteryzujących członkostwo Polski w Unii Europejskiej. Autor dokonał ich systematyzacji, opisu, a także podziału na wydarzenia europejskie mające wpływ na bieg spraw krajowych i na te krajowe, które cechowały polską dyplomację europejską w ostatniej dekadzie. Autor wskazuje cechy charakterystyczne dwóch dyskursów o polskiej polityce europejskiej, które już od referendum akcesyjnego, przez kolejne lata członkostwa w UE angnżująuwagę Polek i Polaków wokół spraw unijnych. Na tej podstawie zostały nakreślone kierunki polskiej polityki europejskiej w perspektywie kolejnych lat członkostwa w UE. ; The decade of Polish membership of the European Union has shown two fundamental models of integration presented in domestic policy by the two leading political parties. Both Law and Justice (PiS) and Civic Platform (PO) have had the opportunity to implement in practice their leaders' declarations about Poland's EU membership. Political differences between the two parties emerged as early as the referendum on Poland's accession to the European Union. At that time, the PiS party constructed its political platform around the idea of a strong Poland whose position would result, among other things, from its power in the Council of the European Union and a hard-line policy strengthening Poland's international interests. The PO party, in turn, saw the implementation of its priorities in European policy as a result of operating not only in the circle of members of the Council of the European Union but also by exercising efficient lobbying activities at the pre-legislation stage of consultation in the European Commission, in the European Parliament and extensive cooperation on various, frequently underestimated, forums of EU politics. This paper aims to indicate the most important characteristics of Poland's EU membership as seen by the author. He categorises, describes and divides them into those European events that influenced domestic affairs, and those domestic events that determined Polish European diplomacy over the last decade. The author indicates the characteristic features of the two discourses about Polish European policy that have been attracting the attention of Poles to EU matters since the accession referendum. On this basis, the future directions of Polish European policy are outlined for further years of EU membership.