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In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means. ; In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

What it meant by European Integration? We mean the historical process whereby European nation-states have been willing to transfer, or more usually pool, their sovereign powers in a collective enterprise. The European Union, which today contains twenty-eight member states, which has a complex institutional structure that includes a supranational central administration (the European Commission), an elected Parliament, a Court of Justice and a Central Bank, is the outcome of this processes. Many American and European scientists of the European Union have chided "intergovemmentalist" accounts for emphasizing the duration of member state authority over the process of European integration. This article attempts to prove these criticisms in a "historical institutionalist" account that mentions the importance of research on European integration as a political process which spreads over time. Such an aspect distinguishes the limitations of member-state control over permanent institutional improvements, due to a fixation with short-term interests, the existence of unexpected consequences, and actions that "lock in" past decisions and make affirmation of member-state control difficult. Short exploration of the development of social policy in the EC advocates the limitations of conducting the EC as an international regime promoting collective activity among sovereign states. It is important to view integration as a "path-dependent" process that has composed a dispersed, but still obvious "multitiered" European polity.

European universities have come under reform pressures to make them instruments of social and economic development, compromising their earlier status as socially buffered institutions. The aim of this paper was to investigate the hypothesis that tensions and inconsistencies in recent higher education reforms in Poland trace back to a fundamental conflict between institutional and instrumental visions of the university. Findings suggest an intersection of "rationalized myths" that locks the university sector in a "corset" experienced by stakeholders more like a return to the Soviet past than the way of a better future. Seen through the lens of second-order systems theory, these findings problematize the assumption that the historically grounded institution of the university can be re-oriented as an instrument for achieving state priorities with a mere balance of carrots and state-of-the-art sticks. ; Europejskie uniwersytety znalazły się pod presją reform, których celem jest uczynienie z nich instrumentów rozwoju społecznego i gospodarczego przy jednoczesnym zniesieniu statusu uczelni wyższych jako instytucji buforowanych społecznie. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie hipotezy, że napięcia i niekonsekwencje w dotychczasowych reformach szkolnictwa wyższego w Polsce mają swoje źródła w podstawowym konflikcie między instytucjonalną a instrumentalną wizją uczelni wyższej. Wyniki badań wskazują na przecinanie się "zracjonalizowanych mitów", które zamykają sektor szkolnictwa wyższego w "gorsecie" odbieranym przez interesariuszy bardziej jako powrót do komunistycznej przeszłości niż droga ku lepszej przyszłości. Wyniki te, rozpatrywane z punktu widzenia teorii systemów drugiej fali, podważają założenie, iż historyczna instytucja uniwersytetu może zostać przekształcona w instrument służący realizacji priorytetów państwa dzięki zrównoważonej polityce nagród i kar.

"Communality. In search of the binder for political community" is a study in the field of political philosophy. Its main idea is to analyze, interpret and systematize certain concepts which are present both in European philosophical thought and in cultural and political projects in Europe, and which bind together national and international communities. The study is carried out according to the criteria set by the author. For the sake of the study, a number of Polish and foreign philosophical texts have been selected, the importance of which enables us to capture both complexity and ambiguity of the problem. The foreign reflections on community are selected from the works of Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Thomas Aquinas, Niccolò Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, Alexis de Tocqueville, Soren Kierkegaard and Jürgen Habermas. The Polish philosophical thought on the issue is represented by Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski, Piotr Skarga, Hugo Kołłątaj, Maurycy Mochnacki, Karol Libelt, Felix Koneczny, Leszek Kołakowski, Adam Chmielewski and Andrzej Szahaj. The political and cultural projects and visions of the European unification which are analyzed in the study, were developed by Robert Schuman, Jacques Chirac, Angela Merkel, the Wise Men Group, and by the following popes: John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis. By adopting the two sided approach to the issue of the binder: the foreign one (which takes into account the things which are or could be common to everybody within their national and international communities and which are also present in various streams of European philosophical thought) and the Polish one (which concentrates mainly on the question of national unity) the author tries to tackle the problem from two different angles. Their common denominator lies in the issue of community bonds. What makes them different, however, is that the European approach can be seen in terms of the diversity of concepts which have originated in different environments and for the sake of ...

The aim of this study was to identify the mechanisms responsible for the transmission of materialistic models in a mother-daughter dyad, and to answer the question whether – and how – mothers' focus on money and the concomitant motivation to make money influence the formation of materialistic attitudes in daughters. An attempt was also made to ascertain whether the level of autonomy enjoyed by the daughter moderates this relation. 230 women aged 20-35 years took part in the study. To measure the variables, the following scales were used: the Richins Material Values Scale (2004), the Priorities in Life Scale (2001) and the Money-Making Motivation Scale designed by Srivastava, Locke and Bartol (2001), as well as Schwartz's Portrait Values Questionnaire (1992). The results have shown that mothers' specific motivation for making money is transmitted to daughters and conditions their materialism. While expressive and prestige-driven materialism is associated with mothers' hedonistic motivation, compensatory materialism is linked to negative money-making motivation. The effectiveness of modelling has also been shown to be lower in individuals with a higher level of autonomy. ; Celem prezentowanych badań była próba identyfikacji mechanizmów odpowiedzialnych za przekazywanie materialistycznych wzorców w diadzie matka-córka. Poszukiwano odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy i w jaki sposób koncentracja na pieniądzach charakterystyczna dla matek oraz towarzyszące jej motywy zarabiania pieniędzy wpływają na formowanie materializmu ich córek. Sprawdzano również, czy poziom autonomii córek moderuje tę relację. Zbadano 230 kobiet w wieku 20-35 lat. Do pomiaru zmiennych posłużyły: Skala wartości materialistycznych Richins (2004), Skala priorytetów życiowych (2001) oraz Skala motywów zarabiania pieniędzy Srivastavy, Locke'a i Bartol (2001), a także Portretowy Kwestionariusz Wartości Schwartza (1992). Wyniki badania pokazały, że specyficzne motywy zarabiania pieniędzy charakterystyczne dla matek podlegają transmisji i warunkują typ materializmu ich córek. Z materializmem ekspresyjno-prestiżowym związane są hedonistyczne, a z materializmem kompensacyjnym – negatywne motywy zarabiania pieniędzy matek. Rezultaty badania pokazały też, że efektywność modelowania jest niższa u osób o wysokim poziomie autonomii.