Suchergebnisse

El trabajo tiene como objetivo mostrar el surgimiento de una sociedad civil en el proceso de integracion del Mercosur. Para ello, comienza ubicando a los actores en terminos de los distintos circulos de influencia en relacion a los decisores y negociadores. Esta ubicacion posibilita analizar la respuesta estructural de los actores frente a los avances del proceso de integracion. Se llega asi a esbozar un mapa activo de la sociedad civil del Mercosur. Este plano, que actualmente esta en construccion, amerita nuevos estudios que permitan visualizar los caminos hacia la consolidacion de este espacio de integracion subregional. (Integr Comer/DÜI)

Este artículo propone abordar desde la perspectiva de la sociología de la acción pública y, en particular desde el enfoque de las transferencias, la forma en que se construye el espacio profesional formal para la libre circulación en el MERCOSUR. Se analizarán las políticas destinadas a la libre circulación de profesionales impulsadas por el MERCOSUR y se buscará constatar las transferencias cognitivas de la agenda de organismos internacionales como la OMC hacia la construcción de las políticas en el bloque. A tales fines, se parte de la base del análisis de fuentes documentales, así como de un conjunto de entrevistas realizadas tanto con actores gubernamentales como no gubernamentales que han participado en la construcción de estas políticas. El presente trabajo demuestra cómo pese a los obstáculos para su aplicación, las herramientas construidas en el seno del bloque constituyen barreras frente a la globalización.

Integration between nations has had, as a goal, the economic support to exchange goods. In order to favor such trade, economic blocs have been created, as is the case of MERCOSUR, so within that integration process, rules are discussed, such as the case that these Lines on the MERCOSUR Customs Code (CAM). The MERCOSUR Customs Code (CAM) approved in August 2010 by the Decision of the Common Market Council (DEC-CMC) 27/10, establishes the obligation to incorporate them into the legal system of the States Parties. The present investigation has been developed based on the antecedents and theories of documentary character, referring to theoretical-legal analysis. The adoption and entry into force of the CAM is not a matter that should be taken simply, since there will be regulatory and complementary rules to be issued by the CMC, the Common Market Group (GMC) and possibly the CCM, as well as the fact at the provisions of national customs legislation that are in conflict with MERCOSUR standards must be disregarded. ; Esta investigación se ha desarrollado con base a los antecedentes y teorías de carácter documental, referente a análisis teórico-legal. La integración entre naciones ha tenido por norte el apoyo económico para intercambio de mercancías, para favorecer dicho comercio se han creado bloques económicos, como en el caso del MERCOSUR, así dentro de dicho proceso de integración se discuten normas, como el caso que ocupan estas líneas sobre el Código Aduanero del MERCOSUR (CAM). El Código Aduanero del MERCOSUR (CAM) aprobado en agosto 2010 mediante la Decisión del Consejo de Mercado Común (DEC-CMC) 27/10, establece la obligatoriedad de su incorporación al ordenamiento jurídico de los Estados miembros. La adopción y puesta en vigencia del CAM no es materia que deba tomarse simplemente, toda vez que estarán en juego normas reglamentarias y complementarias a ser dictadas por el CMC, el Grupo Mercado Común (GMC) y posiblemente la CCM, así como el hecho cierto que las disposiciones de la legislación aduanera nacional que colidan con las normas del MERCOSUR, deben ser desaplicadas. Abstract Integration between nations has had, as a goal, the economic support to exchange goods. In order to favor such trade, economic blocs have been created, as is the case of MERCOSUR, so within that integration process, rules are discussed, such as the case that these Lines on the MERCOSUR Customs Code (CAM). The MERCOSUR Customs Code (CAM) approved in August 2010 by the Decision of the Common Market Council (DEC-CMC) 27/10, establishes the obligation to incorporate them into the legal system of the States Parties. The present investigation has been developed based on the antecedents and theories of documentary character, referring to theoretical-legal analysis. The adoption and entry into force of the CAM is not a matter that should be taken simply, since there will be regulatory and complementary rules to be issued by the CMC, the Common Market Group (GMC) and possibly the CCM, as well as the fact at the provisions of national customs legislation that are in conflict with MERCOSUR standards must be disregarded.

En el último decenio se ha insistido en señalar que el Mercosur tiene prioridad en la política exterior del Brasil. Sin embargo, durante este tiempo la integración regional no ha aumentado ni se ha profundizado. El presente artículo procura explicar este vacío entre el discurso y la práctica mediante un examen de las características de la política brasileña en materia de regionalismo. El análisis se basa en un estudio de caso sobre la creación del Parlamento del Mercosur en 2006. En principio, sostenemos que en gran medida el institucionalismo discursivo y la teoría de los sistemas internacionales pueden explicar por qué Brasil ha mantenido distancia del Mercosur y la limitada interdependencia que se ha construido entre los países que lo componen. La conclusión apunta a que se ha producido un regionalismo débil que facilita la acción del Brasil en el plano internacional.

The transnational nature of COVID-19 created expectations of regionally-led initiatives to address this global challenge. The pandemic has transcended health issues accounting for several political and socioeconomic implications. This study seeks to investigate four regional organisations' responses during the 'first wave' to unravel regionalism's role in a time of crisis. To do so, the method of comparative analysis has been employed. ASEAN, EU, AU and MERCOSUR, four distinct organisations were selected to evaluate their responses in terms of crisis management efficacy, level of solidarity, promotion of multilateralism and international actorness. The findings highlight each organisation's successes and shortcomings while indicating the limits of regional cooperation in effectively responding to outbreaks of infectious diseases. This empirical analysis shows that regional responses were limited and mainly facilitated national policies. This further indicates regional organisations' inability to have a more proactive role in crisis management, boost their actorness and advance more inclusive and responsive global governance.

While there has been scholarly attention to the politics of the third wave of regionalism in South America, this typically focuses on the performance of the Executive Branch rather than the domestic constraints. This article innovatively compares the behaviour of Mercosurian parliaments to understand their role in regional integration. It contributes to Foreign Policy Analysis, by drawing on Qualitative Comparative Analysis to systematically identify the configurations of conditions for rapid approval of enlargement treaties and investigate the impact of national parliaments. Nine cases are analysed related to the episodes of enlargement of Mercosur to empirically test the political conditions to achieve fast approval of treaties. The key finding is that domestic support (channelled in national parliaments) is important to confirm and conduct international projects – and specifically regional integration. This has implications for understanding the possibilities for how future accessions to Mercosur and other regional organisations will take place.

Published online: 1 June 2018 ; Why do states adopt binding and enforceable democracy clauses at the regional level, thereby permitting neighboring states to monitor and potentially sanction their breaches of democracy? To answer this question, the authors test a set of hypotheses in two South American intergovernmental regional organizations, MERCOSUR and UNASUR. Following the epistemological and methodological requirements of process-tracing analysis, the authors conducted thirty-six interviews with top-level policymakers and decision makers who were responsible for the design and enforcement of the Protocol of Ushuaia (MERCOSUR), the Protocol of Montevideo (MERCOSUR), and the Protocol of Georgetown (UNASUR). The authors argue that actors formalize these provisions in response to threats to regime survival. Unlike international organizations for the protection of human rights, which rely on the delegation of power to institutions such as suprastate courts, democracy clauses are intergovernmental instruments whose enforcement relies on states' capabilities. Because of this, the perceptions of governments regarding their own stability and their expectations regarding the future enforcement of the clauses against their own country are causally linked to the decision to support the adoption of the clauses. Thus, governments that perceive themselves as stable democracies or expect that they are too big to be sanctioned support the adoption of democracy clauses because these clauses are functional for others. Conversely, governments that perceive themselves as unstable democracies support the adoption of democracy clauses as functional for themselves. The authors contend that any such asymmetry of self-perceptions and expectations, together with regime protection, explain the move toward the formalization of clauses for the protection of democracy in member states within MERCOSUR and UNASUR. ; Spanish Research Agency [CSO2016-76130-P] ; European Union-Latin America and Caribbean (EU-LAC) Foundation [EXP03C074CEA-006/2014] ; German Research Foundation (DFG)

The purpose of the article is to analyze the monitoring process and quality assurance of higher education that have been executed by local governments within the Mercosur bloc since 1990. The method used to make this assessment was the extensive study of each single process developed by every state agency member of the bloc. It is necessary that all governments continue to make efforts to improve education quality and standards in orden to achieve economic and scientific development. ; El artículo tiene como finalidad analizar los procesos de control y aseguramiento de la calidad de la educación superior ejercido por los organismos estatales en el Mercado Común del Cono Sur a partir de los años 90. La metodología utilizada fue el estudio de los procedimientos de cada órgano estatal de los países miembros del Mercosur. Es preciso que los países involucrados hagan esfuerzos para la mejora de la calidad educativa, con la finalidad de lograr el desarrollo económico y científico. ; O artigo tem como finalidade analisar os processos de controle e garantia da qualidade da educação superior exercido pelos organismos estatais no Mercado Comum do Cone Sul a partir dos anos 90. A metodologia utilizada foi o estudo dos procedimentos de cada órgão estatal dos países membros do Mercosul. É preciso que os países envolvidos façam esforços para a melhora da qualidade educativa, com a finalidade de alcançar o desenvolvimento econômico e científico.

Alexis Saludjian — Excluding growth regime and economical insecurity in Mercosur countries since 1990.
Through a statistical study based on a methodology developed by D. Rodrik, this article gives new empirical evidence of the excluding growth regime that happened in Latin America during the 1990s. Indeed, in spite of macroeconomic volatility, some economists suggest that growth did not benefit in a homogeneous way to the population. The wage earners have been particularly concerned and excluded from the benefits of growth, even though the labour productivity has increased.

El Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) puede ser considerado como un exitoso régimen interestatal, creado y sostenido por múltiples y frecuentes negociaciones internacionales que han determinado, a través del tiempo, los contenidos, las formas, los alcances y los ritmos del esquema de integración subregional. Sin embargo, el proceso de integración que llevan adelante los países miembros (Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay y Uruguay) y asociados (Bolivia y Chile) del Mercosur, no ha sido hasta el presente objeto de un estudio sistemático que utilice marcos teóricos o analíticos propios de las negociaciones internacionales. La mayoría de los estudios sobre el Mercosur se concentran sobre variables en niveles de análisis nacionales e internacionales (económicas y políticas), sin abordar sistemáticamente las variables que en múltiples niveles de análisis (internacional, nacional y sub-nacional) están comúnmente presentes en las frecuentes negociaciones del proceso de integración regional, y constituyen el núcleo del enfoque del Análisis de las Negociaciones (por ejemplo, partes, fracciones, intereses, zonas de acuerdo, tácticas, estrategias, etc.).