Suchergebnisse

This report discusses the West African country of Mali that faces multiple overlapping crises. The country's political leadership has been uncertain and disputed since a military coup on March 22, 2012, overthrew a democratically elected government in the capital, Bamako.

Political elites in Bamako articulate different understandings of the war in northern Mali, though share the same view on the restoration of Malian sovereignty. Those visions are deeply rooted in an assessment of the past failed peace agreements with Tuareg groups, a focus on social and ethnic differentiations that emphasize the role of Kidal and the will to avoid major reforms in dealing with key issues such as the efficiency of the political system, the role of Islam in the Malian polity and the complicated relations between Bamako and its neighbours. The status of AQIM in the current crisis, contrary to the international narrative, is downplayed while other armed groups, in particular the MNLA, are seen as the real, and, often, only threat.

Written on the basis of CARIM database and publications ; Ecrit à partir de la base de données du CARIM et de ses publications ; Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; CARIM is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union ; CARIM est co-financé par l'Institut Universitaire Européen et l'Union Européenne

ÖZETAVRUPA BİRLİĞİ MALİ YARDIM POLİTİKASI VE TÜRKİYE – AB MALİ YARDIMLARININ İÇERİĞİİkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası birleşme hareketlerinden biri olan Avrupa Birliği, kuruluş felsefesi olan "dayanışma" ilkesini uygulamaya koyarak kendi içinde ekonomik ve sosyal dengesizlikleri ortadan kaldırmayı amaçlamıştır. Avrupa Birliği bu amaçla kendi üyelerine yapmakta olduğu mali yardımları, aday ülkelere ve aday olmayan diğer ülkelere de yaparak mali yardımların önemi ve çeşitliliği artmıştır. Hibe veya kredi şeklinde yapılan bu mali yardımlardan ülkemiz de, aday ülke olarak yararlanmaktadır. Bu çalışma ile Avrupa Birliği mali yardım politikası ve ülkemizin bu doğrultuda mali yardımlardan yararlanma süreci anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Avrupa Birliği mali yardımlarından en çok yararlanan üye ülkeler; Yunanistan, İspanya, Portekiz ve İrlanda gibi az gelişmiş ülkeler olup, bu ülkeler yapılan mali yardımlar sonucu kayda değer ekonomik gelişmeler göstermiştir. Türkiye ise aday ülke statüsüyle yapılan mali yardımlardan yeterli ölçüde yararlanamamıştır.ABSTRACTEUROPEAN UNION FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE POLICY AND THE CONTENT TURKEY – EUROPEAN UNION FINANCIAL ASSISTANCEEU is the unificiation movement after World War II that aimed to disappear inequalities regarding economical and social imbalances as practicing "solidarity" principle which is the main philosophy of the establishment. With this purpose, EU expanded it's contributions and contribution types not only towards the members but also the candidate and non-candidate countries .In this case, the importance of the contribution has been increased. As the candidate, our country has also been granted with these financial supports as donation or credit With this work, EU Financial assistance policy and process of benefiting from this financial assistance have been tried to explained. The candidate countries which have been benefiting from EU Financial assistances mostly are the underdeveloped countries Greece, Spain, Portugal and Ireland. The above mentioned countries have been remarkably developed as the result of having these financial assistances. However, Turkey could not have been benefited sufficiently from the financial assistance with the candidate country status.

Die internationale Militärintervention in Mali ist mit zahlreichen Risiken behaftet. Es wäre leicht möglich, dass der Krieg im Norden des Landes sein Gesicht verändert - weg von der Terrorismusbekämpfung, hin zu einem Konflikt zwischen den dortigen Bevöl-kerungsgruppen. Malis Armee und afrikanische Truppen könnten durch Übergriffe gegen die Zivilbevölkerung zusätzlich zur Eskalation beitragen. Fortschritte bei der Stabilisierung des Nordens sind nur mit einer Regierung in der Hauptstadt Bamako zu erwarten, die breite Unterstützung genießt. Die EU-Trainingsmission EUTM Mali muss sich dabei mit den Putschisten von 2012 und ethnischen Milizen im Militär des Landes auseinandersetzen. Deutschland und andere externe Akteure lassen sich mit ihrer Be-teiligung auf ein langjähriges Engagement in einem komplexen Konflikt ein. Um die Risiken einzugrenzen, bedarf es stärkerer Anstrengungen im politischen Prozess in Ba-mako sowie einer besseren Koordination regionaler und internationaler Bemühungen

In 2013, the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) was established by UN Security Council Resolution 2100 to support peace-making and -building in Mali in order to prevent further destabilization of the Sahel. MINUSMA has come to represent the emerging practice of establishing UN peacekeeping missions in asymmetrical conflict environments where there is "no peace to keep." In this context, and following large-scale international interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, European soldiers have returned to UN peacekeeping. However, African countries remain the largest troop contributors to peacekeeping missions, including MINUSMA. This new DIIS report provides new insight into the roles and experiences of African soldiers serving in MINUSMA. The report demonstrates the disproportionate dangers that confront African soldiers compared to their European and Asian counterparts in the mission. The authors argue that a number of factors shape these discrepancies, including where African soldiers are deployed in the mission area, the equipment at their disposal and how their governments support them before, during and after deployment. By October 2016, 91 of 109 MINUSMA personnel killed were from African countries located in the region around Mali, while only six were from European countries. These numbers directly affect MINUSMA's efficiency and prospects for contributing to the peace process in Mali. This report illustrates how intra-mission inequality encumbers collaboration and coordination between African and non-African units in MINUSMA. Most of the time, the units operate more or less separately, to the extent that MINUSMA risks becoming a two-tier mission. Such fragmentation, which is noticeable across all elements of the mission, must be addressed - by UN headquarters in New York and by MINUSMA itself. If these challenges are not addressed, MINUSMA as a whole will not be able to benefit from the specialized support that the European countries bring into the mission. However, the capabilities that European soldiers bring with them are indispensable if United Nations peacekeepers are to function, indeed, survive in an asymmetrical conflict environment. The report is based on a collaborative research between DIIS and the Royal Danish Defence College, RDDC.

The Mali Empire is one of the largest and most widely known precolonial African states. It has featured in films, video games, works of fiction, and its memory is still a profound force in the articulation of social and political identities across Mande West Africa. Founded in the 13th century in the south of modern Mali, it quickly grew from a small kingdom to a vast empire stretching from the Senegambia in the west to Ivory Coast in the south. Before its disintegration in the late 16th century, its connections to distant trade networks stretched from Europe to China and its rulers became famous across the Old World for their wealth. In the absence of indigenous written histories, knowledge of the Mali Empire has been based on a complex combination of oral traditions, medieval Arabic chronicles, European accounts, oral histories, and archaeology. Through a critical analysis of these sources, it has been possible to learn much about Mali's history, including aspects its social organization, political structure, belief systems, and historical evolution. However, there is much we still do not know, including the location and nature of its capital(s). ; Peer reviewed

Résumé Le soufisme est un courant mystique de l'islam, une voie spirituelle basée sur l'élévation de l'esprit et de l'âme et la recherche de la purification du cœur. Il a joué un rôle prépondérant dans la propagation de l'islam en Afrique subsaharienne, dont le Mali. Sa résistance au colonialisme, armée puis pacifique, le crédite pour jouer un rôle politique et social dans le Mali indépendant, bien que parfois contre le développement des mœurs sociales. L'objectif de cet article est de montrer la centralité du soufisme dans la propagation de l'islam dans le Mali précolonial, sans avoir eu nécessairement recours au « djihad ». La problématique de cette recherche s'articule autour de la rapidité et l'assertivité avec laquelle les Maliens ont adopté l'islam populaire. Nous émettons l'hypothèse que c'est d'abord la simplicité de la foi musulmane prônée par le soufisme par rapport à l'islam institutionnel et scripturaire qui en est la cause principale. Nous postulons ensuite que c'est également la forte ressemblance entre l'organisation hiérarchique des zaouias soufies et l'organisation hiérarchique païenne qui existaient au Mali qui ont affirmé la place de l'islam populaire dans les mœurs maliennes. Mots clés :Mali, soufisme, colonisation, indépendance, laïcité, charia. Abstract Sufism is a mystical current of Islam, a spiritual path based on the upliftment of mind and soul and the pursuit of purification of the heart. It played a major role in the spread of Islam in subSaharan Africa, including Mali. Its resistance to colonialism, armed at first then peaceful, gives it credit for playing a social and political role in independent Mali, although sometimes going against the development of social mores. The aim of this article is to show the centrality of Sufism in the propagation of Islam in precolonial Mali, without necessarily resorting to "djihad". The problematic of this research revolves around the speed and assertiveness with which Malians adopted popular Islam. We hypothesize that it is mainly due to the simplicity of the Muslim faith advocated by Sufism in relation to institutional and scriptural Islam. We then postulate that it is also due to the strong resemblance between the hierarchical organization of the Sufi zaouias and the pagan organization which existed in Mali before the arrival of Islam that affirmed the place of popular Islam in Malian customs. Keywords: Mali, Sufism, colonization, independence, secularism, sharia.

Metadata only record ; This report describes research on Sustainable Rural Livelihoods which was carried out in two villages in Mali, selected to represent the rain fed cereal and cotton producing regions. The research was carried out using an analytic framework which places an emphasis on the institutional arrangements through which people gain differentiated access to the bundle of capitals (natural, physical, human, economic and social) necessary to construct a livelihood. Livelihoods are seen to be composed of three strategies: agriculture, livelihood diversification and migration. The results highlight the importance of migration and livelihood diversification in allowing households to pursue particular paths of agricultural intensification, and show that access to diversification activities is differentiated by age, gender and household structure. Local perceptions of sustainability were used to rank households as more and less sustainable. The research shows how different types of household use the ranges of capitals available to them to construct a livelihood, and what barriers exist for the less well off. These village level findings are located within a picture of changing rural development policy at the national level.

"VDB-3-'63." ; Caption title. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This report describes the key policies for Mali to succeed leveraging growth with export diversification. For many decades, Mali has been a commodity-dependent country, mainly relying on gold and, to a lesser extent, cotton. However, the experience of other countries, in Africa and other parts of the world, shows that large scale production of minerals and oil resources offers great opportunities, but also presents major shortcomings. These are: tendency to growth beyond potential in cycles of booming prices; high GDP growth volatility that translates into a fragile fiscal stance; a resource curse that favors production of non-tradable goods; and a growth pattern biased toward rent-seeking activities, which prevents expansion of competitive activities creation of abundant and better jobs. Mali is no exception to this. Mali needs to structurally transform itself to accelerate growth and reach its vision, Mali 2025. The Government of Mali does not have a choice: without adequate jobs by 2025, Mali's burgeoning youth population will foment more violence in an already fragile economy and keep investors away. Hence, it has outlined a strategy to achieve this vision centered on the diversification of its economy (and exports) away from natural resource-based commodities.

The new millennium places Africa on the international political stage. In Fact, Africa lives the globalization dynamic in accordance with a gradual transition to a pluralistic democracy. However, the democracy underscores the presence of modern State institutions on rural and traditional societies. In the occidental societies the electoral democracy is originate from a community model. This electoral democracy has gradually changed into a democracy which is taking in consideration the individual opinion and the free expression. This question makes sense in African societies. Due to its geographical localization, the Mali was the best African performer until its exceptional crisis in 2012. Is it possible to consider the 2012 occurrences as a breach in the country's history? What is the country political resiliency? This thesis has been started before those events. The thesis was elaborated on two complementary approaches. In fact, the first part is a quantitative approach composed of local maps and national scale circle. The second part is a qualitative approach composed of three arrivals of local "ideal-types". Those approaches highlight the birth of a hybrid political regulation between local elite which are historically following the occidental modern path and the native representation of the power. Despite a decentralized innovative reform, those origin tensions take place in a local scale since the colonial period. Finally, through an electoral behavior prism, the Malian electoral democracy observation represents an original component of the current sociopolitical comprehension. ; Ce nouveau millénaire place l'Afrique sur la scène politique internationale. En effet, elle vit la dynamique de la mondialisation et de la globalisation au rythme d'un passage progressif à la démocratie pluraliste. Cependant, cette démocratisation pose la question de la " greffe " d'institutions de l'État moderne sur des sociétés encore profondément marquées par leurs cultures rurales et coutumières. Issue d'un modèle communautaire dans les sociétés occidentales, la démocratie électorale a progressivement évolué vers la prise en compte des opinions individuelles. Cette question est également posée dans les sociétés africaines. Par rapport à sa position géographique, le Mali faisait figure de " bon élève " au regard du contexte africain jusqu'à la crise qu'il a connue en 2012. Les évènements de 2012 sont-ils un hiatus dans l'histoire du pays ? Quelle est la capacité politique de résilience du pays ? Cette thèse entamée avant ces évènements, à travers à la fois une approche quantitative (cartes par commune et cercle à l'échelle nationale) et qualitative (approche de terrains dans trois idéaux types communaux), met en évidence la naissance d'un système hybride de régulation politique entre des élites locales historiquement liées à la trajectoire occidentale de la modernité, et les représentations autochtones du pouvoir. Malgré une réforme de la décentralisation innovante, ces tensions ont pour origine des crises récurrentes à l'échelon local depuis la période coloniale. En définitive, l'observation de la démocratie électorale malienne à travers le prisme des comportements électoraux s'avère un élément original de compréhension de la situation sociopolitique actuelle.

The new millennium places Africa on the international political stage. In Fact, Africa lives the globalization dynamic in accordance with a gradual transition to a pluralistic democracy. However, the democracy underscores the presence of modern State institutions on rural and traditional societies. In the occidental societies the electoral democracy is originate from a community model. This electoral democracy has gradually changed into a democracy which is taking in consideration the individual opinion and the free expression. This question makes sense in African societies. Due to its geographical localization, the Mali was the best African performer until its exceptional crisis in 2012. Is it possible to consider the 2012 occurrences as a breach in the country's history? What is the country political resiliency? This thesis has been started before those events. The thesis was elaborated on two complementary approaches. In fact, the first part is a quantitative approach composed of local maps and national scale circle. The second part is a qualitative approach composed of three arrivals of local "ideal-types". Those approaches highlight the birth of a hybrid political regulation between local elite which are historically following the occidental modern path and the native representation of the power. Despite a decentralized innovative reform, those origin tensions take place in a local scale since the colonial period. Finally, through an electoral behavior prism, the Malian electoral democracy observation represents an original component of the current sociopolitical comprehension. ; Ce nouveau millénaire place l'Afrique sur la scène politique internationale. En effet, elle vit la dynamique de la mondialisation et de la globalisation au rythme d'un passage progressif à la démocratie pluraliste. Cependant, cette démocratisation pose la question de la " greffe " d'institutions de l'État moderne sur des sociétés encore profondément marquées par leurs cultures rurales et coutumières. Issue d'un modèle communautaire ...

L"alphabétisation des adultes a commencé au Mali dans les années 1962 avec plus ou moins de réussite car le programme essentiellement scolaire et ne répondait pas aux besoins de la population. En effet, l'éducation a toujours été au centre des préoccupations du peuple malien et des gouvernements qui se sont succédé avec pour objectif " promouvoir un enseignement de masse et de qualité qui intègre les impératifs de développement". Cependant, l'alpbabétisation féminine pose un problème particulier malgré une augmentation sensible de la fréquentaion féminine des centres d'alphabétisation. A la faveur d'une mission d'identification d'une délégation Luxembourgeoise au Mali, en mars 1997, le Centre National de Resources de l'Education Non Formelle a présenté l'idée d"un projet d'alphabétisation fonctionnelle et de promotion des femmes en zone périurbaine; Lassa, quartier périphérique de la capitale fut retenu pour abriter ce projet car ici, les femmes vivent dans un milieu particulièrement austère. L'objectif général de notre étude est d'analyser le changement d'attitude induit par la mise enœuvre du programme d'alphabétisation à travers la perception des intervenants dans le domaine. Autrement dit comment la population elle-même preçoivent l"action d"alphabétisation. Pour atteindre cet objectif, nous avons utilisé trois isntruments essentiels qui sont le questionnaire, le guide d'entretien, et l'observation directe sur un échantillon occasionnel. Les critères d'appréciation du programme portait sur l'acquisition des connaissances instrumentales (lecture, écriture, calcul) et des compétences de la vie couranrte (santé, environnement, hygiène) et leur application dans la vie quotidienne sur le plan individuel, familial et communautaire. Après analyse, il apparaît que le programme d'alphabétisation de Lassa a été d'un apport très utile pour les femmes alphabétisées et leur famille car, il a permis: - d'améliorer leurs conditions de vie; - de créer de nouvelles habitudes alimentaires, vestimentaires et corprelles; - de développer des compétences pratiques dans le domaine de la santé; - de favoriser l'acquisition de compétences de base ( lecture, écriture, calcul). Il semble donc que la politique d'alphabétisation de Lassa soit un exemple à suivre pour les autres régions du Mali à alphabétiser.

Am 11. Januar 2013 hat Frankreich seine »Opération Serval« in Mali begonnen. Mit der Militäroffensive gelangte die Krise in dem westafrikanischen Staat auf die Tagesordnung der deutschen und europäischen Außenpolitik. Im Zentrum steht die Frage nach Ziel und Form einer auswärtigen Militärintervention. Bundesregierung und Bundestag müssen in den kommenden Wochen darüber Auskunft geben, ob und unter welchen Rahmenbedingungen sie bereit sind, ein größeres Kontingent der Bundeswehr nach Westafrika zu entsenden. Dabei sollten einige Lehren aus früheren Auslandseinsätzen der Bundeswehr berücksichtigt werden. Das betrifft die Ausgestaltung des Mandats, die Erreichbarkeit der politischen Ziele und den institutionellen Rahmen einer solchen Militäroperation