Mass Media: la doble esquizofrenia
In: Metapolítica: revista trimestral de teoría y ciencia de la política ; publicada por: Centro de Estudios de Política Comparada, Band 3, Heft 9, S. 167-175
ISSN: 1405-4558
In: Metapolítica: revista trimestral de teoría y ciencia de la política ; publicada por: Centro de Estudios de Política Comparada, Band 3, Heft 9, S. 167-175
ISSN: 1405-4558
The Humanities in the society of communication should cease to be a set of self-referring truths, both destined to nourish signs of endogenous identity from academic elites and to exclusively assure standards of professional promotion. Humanities should i ; Las Humanidades en la sociedad de la comunicación deberían dejar de ser un conjunto de verdades autorreferidas, tanto destinadas a nutrir signos de identidad endógena de las élites académicas como a asegurar exclusivamente estándares de promoción profesio
BASE
This article aims to solve the following scientific problem: to study the ways of interaction between mass media, audience and authorities used in regional practice. The relevance and scientific significance of solving the above-mentioned problem lies in the fact that modern mass media exist in a dynamically changing social space. The main objective is to determine how fully events of the political and public life of a country or region are reflected in the daily practice of regional mass media. Based on the analysis of print media, the authors of the article consider the authenticity, completeness and objectivity of the information worldview created by journalists of the Arkhangelsk Region. The contractual mechanism of information services used by authorities forces journalists to resort to self-censorship and non-disclosure of socially important information, which leads to the creation of media myths and the loss of professionalism, as well as changes essential characteristics of journalism. It is indicated that it is much more dangerous for this profession to consciously distort the reflected reality by emphasizing some events or certain aspects of the displayed phenomena and concealing others, i.e. manipulating mass consciousness through non-disclosure. Non-disclosure not only erases, destroys and eliminates facts, but also creates a mythical, distorted and unreliable information worldview.
BASE
El presente artículo se propone un análisis histórico, desde lateoría clásica, de la relación entre poder y comunicación. El abordaje tieneen cuenta los orígenes del poder y su mutación a través de los tiempos,hasta tornarse capitalismo y cómo la razón, la ciencia, la técnica, sonpuestas al servicio de una clase dominante a la vez que la comunicaciónofrece la falsa noción de consenso democrático. Se evidencia la necesidadde lograr verdaderos actos comunicativos que contribuyan a un consensoreal y una mayor democracia en la construcción de los sentidos.The present article proposes a historic analysis, from the classicaltheory, of the relationship between power and communication. Theanalysis takes into account the origins of power and its mutation throughtimes, to become capitalism, as well as how the reason, science andtechnique, are at the service of a dominant class when communicationoffers the false notion of democratic consent. The need to achieve truecommunicative acts that contribute to a real consensus and a biggerdemocracy in the construction of the senses becomes evident.
BASE
In: Cuestiones políticas, Band 41, Heft 78, S. 612-627
Information security is vital for national security, especiallyduring martial law. The influential role of the media in the socio-political landscape of Ukraine underscores the need to studyits impact on the system of public management of informationsecurity. This research aims to identify the extent and directionsof such impact, using statistical analysis and comparative lawmethodology. The findings reveal information security challengesrelated to social media in Ukraine, such as distorted information,manipulation, propaganda, imperfect regulation and subordination ofmedia to the interests of their owners. International experiences suggestaddressing these problems by promoting digital literacy, facilitating faircompetition and fostering relations between the state, media and citizens.By way of conclusion, the significant influence of the media on publicopinion and political processes is confirmed, with both positive (coverageof important information) and negative (misinformation, manipulation)aspects in the system of public management of information security.
La prensa forma parte de la vida diaria del ciudadano y se conforma como medio de información y entretenimiento dentro del conjunto de los mass media. En el panorama mediáticocomunicacional actual, la prensa (tanto en papel como online), constituye un elemento clave en la influencia, modificación de hábitos y comportamiento del ciudadano, de ahí que sea un importante agente educador, desde un doble criterio: por un lado, como instrumento de socialización del individuo, y por otro, como agente manipulador que conduce al individuo hacia los planteamientos e intereses de grupos mediáticos, gobiernos y organizaciones. El mensaje periodístico presenta un doble carácter: manipulador y agente educador en la era digital. La función educadora de la prensa se analiza desde varios puntos de vista: social, económico, cultural y ético. ; The press forms a part of the daily life of the citizen and conforms as way of information and entertainment inside the outfit of the mass media. In the media — communication current outlook, the press (so much in paper as online), constitutes a key element in the influence, modification of habits and behavior of the citizen, of there that is an important educational agent, from a double criterion: on the one hand, like instrument of socialization of the individual, and for other one, as manipulative agent who leads the individual towards the expositions and interests of media groups, governments and organizations. The journalistic message presents a double character: manipulator and educational agent in the digital age. The educational function of the press is analyzed from several points of view: social, economic, cultural and ethical.
BASE
Una de las características de la era digital más aceptada en términos generales la "democratización masiva" por el amplio acceso a los "mass media". Sin embargo, no existe una relación directa entre la apropiación tecnológica y la calidad de la noticia. Los medios de comunicación trabajan con la información, entendida ésta como un bien público al que la ciudadanía puede y debe acceder en miras a poder estar informado sobre lo que acontece a su alrededor. Expresarse libremente y estar bien informados constituyen doscondiciones esenciales de la democracia. Sin embargo los medios de comunicación producen las noticias que transmiten. Los medios son emisores además de transmisores de noticias que lejos están de ser neutrales y absolutas. Nos resta preguntarnos cómo es posible convertir a los dispositivos tecnológicos en herramientaspara lograr el empoderamiento de la información en las ciberdemocracias del siglo XXI. Recuperar el sentido de la acción ayudados por los mecanismos tecnológicos. La propia construcción a partir del inacabable proceso de de-construcción permite asegurarnos el imperio de la heterogeneidad; de la multiplicidad, por encima del discurso hegemónico y dominante ; "Mass democratization" is one of the characteristics of the digital age more accepted in general terms by the wide access to the "mass media". However, there is no direct relationship between technological appropriation and news quality. Media works with information, understood as a public good that citizens can and should be able to access in order to be informed about what is happening around them. Express themselves freely and be well informed are two essential conditions of democracy. But the mediaproduce news they transmit. Media are senders and transmitters of news that are far from beingneutral and absolute. It remains to ask how it culd be possible to transform technological devices as tools for the empowerment of the information in the XXI century ciber-democracies. Recover the sense ofaction aided by technological devices. The ...
BASE
Research identifies segments of the voting population by use of the media in the region of Puno. It was conducted under the application of probabilistic sampling, a questionnaire was administered by personal interview to a sample of 323 potential voters, the data was collected based on personal characteristics and use of media; five indicators of this relationship they are chosen, those who participated in the multiple correspondence analysis. The most representative personal characteristics were: 42,1% of potential voters are 20 to 34 years, 30.3% are engaged in the study as the main activity, 37,2% are center-right political trend. On the use of media 76,5% if you use the internet, with television (87,3%) frequently use the medium for information on daily events. We identified four segments, the first segment covers 51,8% of potential voters, they being under 34 years, intraday use the internet, is not politically defined and communicated via television or internet. The second segment includes 12,69% of potential voters, who work for the private sector, use the Internet once or twice a week for information and are defined politically center-right. The third segment covers 6,5% of potential voters, aged between 50 and 69, use the internet less than once a week and are defined center-left. The fourth segment includes 29,72% of potential voters, aged between 34-69 years old, do not
BASE
In: Cuestiones Políticas, Band 39, Heft 69, S. 335-343
ISSN: 2542-3185
From a documentary perspective the article addresses issues such as the collapse of the Soviet Union, separatism in the USSR and the existence of similar destructive processes in modern Russia. Special attention is paid to the role of the media in the collapse of the USSR. The goal was to find out whether the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of New Russia were inevitable. Consequently, the additional objectives of the article are to identify the main reasons for the collapse of the USSR, to draw an analogy with the situation in modern Russia, to analyze propaganda techniques by examining the Moscow News newspaper, and to study and generalize the main problems of inter-ethnic dialogue in the Soviet and post-Soviet space. The relevance of the topic is justified by the lack of a unified view in the community of experts on the causes and consequences of the collapse of the USSR, as well as by the lack of a unified assessment of the period of Perestroika and the inevitability of the transition from socialism to capitalism in Russia. It is concluded that in the geopolitical phenomenon of the collapse of the USSR occupies a special role the national and international media dimension.
In: Cuestiones Políticas, Band 37, Heft 65, S. 382-398
ISSN: 2542-3185
The authors have set themselves the goal of analyzing the mass media and coverage of terrorist attacks on the Internet, to assess their impact on the growing number of terrorists in the world based on this analysis. The methodological basis of this research is represented by the comprehensive approach, which allowed identifying and corroborating the need to restructure the media and the Internet to combat modern terrorism. The epistemological potential of the statistical and sociological methods used within quantitative and qualitative research makes it possible to properly interpret the results of scientific research devoted to the subject of analysis. The results suggest that current activity by the media and Internet users encourages the growth in the number of terrorist acts in the world and improves the efficiency of recruiting newcomers to terrorist organizations. Furthermore, optimal ways of restructuring social media and expanding the scope of control of the operation of the Internet without violating freedom of expression and the right of citizens to free access to information are discussed.
The understanding of democracy as a political organization form, has in many scenarios the debate on how pure is in a representative form and how effective is when is "pure" or direct democracy, as well as thought for the "polis" or places with an specific geographic location, contrary to the Saskia Sassen concept of "global cities". From this discussion, we can address the television as a twentieth century mass media, funded and operated by governments or private companies, exercising symbolic power in a nation, as seen by the John B. Thompson power forms in modern societies, and as an organizational form that clearly exemplifies a representative democracy from the choice of themes, characters, speech and even workflow technology. The Web 2.0 TV not only allows this massmediatic TV to migrate to a ubiquitous environment, flexible and powerful (that of cloud computing and mobility) but invites the audience to be part of as a production crew of this new television, which workflow is similar to the TV of the twentieth century, and to the new workflows purposed by major Internet players in the second decade of the XXI century. In Externado University this phenomena has been investigated thorough an empirical and intense way the migrated to Internet television, with a workflow similar to the 20th century massive TV, but with the intervention of actors (prosumer-students) in a more flexible and open way than the "representative" television. In addition of this, the arrival of Google Hangouts, which advocates for an opening to the end user with web skills, and social networks as a potential audience, which may also be involved in the production, the future of the TV in this century becomes by definition not only democratic, but also "direct" about this political organization form. ; El entendimiento de la democracia, como forma de organización política, ha planteado en muchos escenarios el debate de qué tan pura es cuando es representativa y qué tan efectiva cuando es "pura" o directa, además de pensarse para las polis o lugares con ubicación geográfica concreta, contrario al concepto de "ciudades globales" planteado por Saskia Sassen. Desde esta discusión se puede abordar la televisión como medio masivo del siglo XX, financiado y operado por gobiernos o empresas privadas, ejerciendo el poder simbólico en una nación, visto desde las formas de poder en las sociedades modernas de John B. Thompson y como forma organizativa que a todas luces ejemplifica a una democracia representativa desde la escogencia de temas, personajes, discurso e incluso de flujos de trabajo tecnológico. La televisión, a partir de la web 2.0, no solo invita a esa televisión massmediática a migrar a un entorno ubicuo, flexible y poderoso (el de la computación en la nube y la movilidad) sino que invita a la audiencia a que haga parte de la producción de esta nueva televisión, en flujos de trabajo similares a los de la televisión del siglo XX, y en flujos nuevos planteados por los grandes jugadores de la Internet de la segunda década del siglo XXI. En la Universidad Externado de Colombia se ha investigado empírica y exhaustivamente la televisión migrada a Internet, asumida con un flujo de trabajo similar al de la televisión masiva del XX, pero con una intervención de actores (prosumidores-alumnos) más flexible y abierta que la de la televisión "representativa". Si a esto se le suma la llegada de los Hangouts de Google, que plantea una apertura volcada al usuario final con habilidades web y redes sociales como potencial audiencia, que a su vez también puede intervenir en la producción, el panorama de la televisión en el siglo XXI se torna no solo democrático por definición, sino "directo" en cuanto a dicha forma de organización política.
BASE
The paper explores the existence of a European public sphere drawing upon the example of the Paris 1968 May revolts. Its addresses questions as: How European was 1968 when it happened? And what does European refer to? Is it European already when it happens in more than one European country or city? Can one ignore the influence of the USA and still call it European? Are the European experiences so distinct from the American ones that one can carve out a clear-cut European version of 1968? Why do we ask the question of whether or not 1968 was European when it clearly was one of the crucial events in recent history? ; El artículo explora la existencia de una esfera pública europea centrándose en el ejemplo de las revueltas de Mayo del 1968 en París. En él se pregunta acerca de cuán europeo era 1968 cuando tuvo lugar, qué significa "europeo" referido a ello. También se examinan cuestiones ¿Es algo europeo cuando sucede en más en un país o ciudad europeo? ¿Puede uno ignorar la influencia de los EEUU y seguir llamándolo europeo? ¿Son las experiencias europeas tan distintas de las americanas que uno pueda trazar una versión exclusivamente europea de 1968? ¿Por qué la pregunta de si 1968 fue o no un fenómeno europeo es crucial para nuestra reciente historia?
BASE
In: Espiral: estudios sobre estado y sociedad, Band 7, Heft 21, S. 11-36
ISSN: 1665-0565