ABSTRACT The Concept of Democracy is one of the products of Western thought that has gone through a long history since ancient Greece that was neglected in the development of mainstream discourse, but returned to popularity in the 18th century and became a constant conversation when the wave of democratization hit countries in the world since in the 1970s. What is interesting about the concept of democracy is the inspiration of the thoughts that it gave birth to political transformation in many countries that inspired to inspire many scholars and activists in many developing countries who were also struggling with autocratic regimes to deepen it. Democratic reforms have always been special news in various mass media, both in newspapers, television, and not only discussed in general contexts, such as in mass media, but also in more specialized public spaces. For example, it was seen when the first direct presidential election in Indonesia after the New Order was broadcast widely and attracted the attention of the world's citizens. Democracy is also discussed in restaurants, football stadiums, malls, terminals and many other places including Nobar (Watching goods) Presidential / Cawapres debate ahead of the 2019 Presidential Election. This reality shows that democracy has been accepted as an important word in the present century. But the problems that need to get mutual attention, how the democratization process takes place, the key actors, the interaction between actors what will be achieved, the driving factors and obstacles to the democratization process. Keywords: Democracy, Democratization Process, Reformation, Interactionbetween actors
The research about the women parliament candidacy based on problems, theory, methodology and researchanalysis being utilized by the researcher aims at 1) unveiling affirmative action policy in accordance to the2003 Public Election regulation (UU) and the 2008 political party regulation that are suitable policy along withefforts to enhance women representativeness in parliament within regional autonomy framework; 2) elaboratingpolitical party supports towards quota fulfillment process of 30 percent in line with the 2009 public electionregulation; 3) describing and criticizing mass media roles in the process of the political communication of womencandidates of DKI Jakarta Province in 2009; 4) discovering and exploring quality of the political communicationof women candidates of DKI Jakarta Province 2009; 5) highlighting women efforts and struggles regarding theregulation of political quota and regional autonomy are so-called 'counter hegemony' movement. Paradigmused in the research is critical paradigm with Gramcsian analysis model. Theory and concept of this research areAntonio Gramcsi's thoughts; hegemony-counter hegemony, political network alliance, political communication,radical feminism, mass media in the New Marxist perspective (Gramcsian) and regional autonomy concept.The research uses qualitative approach with case study method and feminist research as well as equipped bymethod of the Gramcsian-Marxist analysis. Results and discussion of the research argue that women have beenundergoing marginalization both culturally and structurally in the political realm resulting in injustice of theirrepresentativeness in parliament. The notion becomes rooted in the social structure and system and has been goingas a cultural system which is patriarchy system. The women altogether have to establish and belong to a solidnetwork alliance to give pressure towards the government; those are in power and the state in order to transformconditions of women representativeness in parliament. They are therefore expected to have bargaining positionthat is balanced or even stronger with the state. The position is needed by women in that they can compete withmen and create broader opportunity by which they achieve it by the release of the 2009 political party regulationand the running of the regional autonomy regulation. In the Gramcsi's concept, the equality of bargaining positionbetween women movement, represented as civil society and the state represented as political community highlylikely produce conceptual/intellectual and practical clashes to establish new hegemony whose consequence isto prosper woman community and broader civil society as well as political community. In this phase, Gramcsinames it as 'counter hegemony' movement in which women can present themselves and bear new hegemony afterwinning the conceptual war against the old hegemony. The women's struggles to run candidacy of The 2009 DKIregional election took a form of 'counter hegemony'. The effort was undertaken so that the women can owe highbargaining position in politics that is influenced by the other power namely mass media. The need to supports ofmedia industry is inevitable. Media industry, as institution having capital ideology, might highly possible be usedby women movement/ the civil. In addition, women can take benefits from media to assist struggles of 'counterhegemony'. As a consequence, the women's struggles of counter hegemony are complicated to do due to partialand incomprehensive efforts. The women political candidates of DKI Jakarta possess resistant movement spirit orfighting movement to transform cultural values of patriarchy especially in politics. In this notion, it is evident thatemancipation ideology is not effective to strengthen the movement unless it is as communal vision and missionfrom elements of struggles that can produce women great energy to achieve their goals. The energy is no other than'collective will' considered as fighting ideology which is necessary therein fighting ideas of women have constantand significant energy.Keywords : regional autonomy, political communication, Gramcsian Analysis, women parliament candidacydkijakarta 2009)
AbstractResearch, regulation and development of this press researched to deepen the development of the mass media is so dynamic in Indonesia. Those who want to delve into the media and political power in Indonesia and how to act in favor of the power to be used as a tool to build community in the era of Soeharto. The study examines how the press system established under a political system that is referred to as the basic media Indonesia between 1966 and 1973. To achieve the goal of the study, investigation was made on the press and the factors that influence the formation of a press system using an approach through the analysis of historical research documents and in-depth interviews. The results showed that the formation of the media system is based on a process of consciously designed to conform to the philosophy and values practiced by the manager, who went on to become Indonesia's national policy. The planned process is essentially cultural values such as "collaboration", the spirit of harmony, harmony, balance, and obedience. Press system formation process is done through persuasion and consensus made during the meeting, which was later used as a tool to control the activities of the press in Indonesia. The study also found some dominant factor affecting the development of the media system that includes socio-cultural, political and economic. The results showed that from 1966 to 1973, the government supports the aspiration to form a healthy media system, free and responsible as well as build a sense of family planning in line with the direction of the government's political ideology. Policies formed the basis for formulation of media system in Indonesia based on Pancasila. While from 1966-1973 the press laws No.4 / 1967 into force on the development of media freedom, justice and freedom. Keywords: Regulation, Development, Press, authoriter
Large-scale Social Limitation (hereinafter referred to as PSBB) is one form of concern. The government and local governments are Pendemic throughout Indonesia and the world, namely Pandemic Corona Virus Disease (Covid-19). Bogor Regency, which is one of the buffer cities of the Republic of Indonesia, is an area that is quite vulnerable in spreading the Corona virus. Why? because many DKI Jakarta employees / laborers live in Bogor Regency, whose mobility is very high. With the birth of Regent Regulation No. 16 of 2020 concerning Implementation of Large- Scale Social Restrictions in Handling COVID-19 in order to conserve the use of Covid 19. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Implementation of Large Scale Social Limitation Policies in the Government of Bogor Regency. This research method uses Qualitative Methods with Literature Study research methods. (Huberman, Miles, 1994). The technique of inviting data is by searching Scientific Journals, Online Mass Media, Legislation and Books. The technique to determine Online Media by Pusposive, while for data analysis using Nvivo 12 Plus. Test the validity of the data by testing the data source. The results of the study show that the implementation of the Large-Scale Social Limitation Policy in the Bogor District Government has not yet proceeded, starting from the clash of authority between the Central Government and the Regional Government so that it cannot make improvements, and many more are in accordance with the provisions of Covid-19 and its distribution. Social assistance to the community.
The declining attention of young voters on several aspects makes political education very vital for the sustainability of democracy in Indonesia. Political education for students who are young voters in this case are students of the Constitutional Law is considered important to increase their participation at the tertiary level, namely the election of DEMA (Student Executive Council) IAIN Madura. This study used an approach to students of the Constitutional Law study program, Islamic State Faculty of IAIN Madura through observation and interviews as well as data collection supported by document studies through several relevant kinds of literature so that data triangulation was then carried out to produce valid data. The results showed that in the aspect of students' initial knowledge about elections from several informants of the Constitutional Law study program students obtained data that they already had a good understanding of. Then on the aspect of student perspectives on campus politics, some of them do not know information about the election of the chairman of the DEMA (Student Executive Council) due to several reasons behind it. So then to increase student political participation in the election of the chairman of DEMA the author formulated three political stimuli, namely through learning political science courses, through campus organizations, and mass media.
The disruption era creates great opportunities for halal tourism development by using technology to market halal tourism products. As a pilot project for the halal tourism development, Penyengat Island in Riau Island Province faces the challenges in building its image as a leading halal tourism destination. This study aims to analyze the halal tourism marketing, in this case, digital marketing, on Penyengat Island in the disruption era. This research used descriptive qualitative methods through a literature study with data sources derived from related journal articles and other literature. The efforts of halal tourism marketing for Penyengat Island are not implemented digitally. To market tourism of Penyengat Island, the local government and stakeholders use mass media advertising, billboards, annual festivals, and digital channels such as social media, online booking sites, and e-book guides at halaltrip.com. Yet, the media does not inform tourism events or indicate Penyengat Island as a halal tourism destination. It proves that inadequate information about the concept of halal tourism and/or other available information on halal tourism travel guides for Muslim tourists on the digital platforms used. The efforts to promote Penyengat Island as halal tourism using digital channels are the relevant interesting contents in digital marketing channels, the availability of information on the need for halal services, and innovation on tourism attractions. ; Era disrupsi menciptakan peluang besar untuk pengembangan pariwisata halal dengan pemanfaatan teknologi dalam pemasaran produk wisata. Sebagai pilot project pengembangan pariwisata halal di Provinsi Kepulauan Riau, Pulau Penyengat menghadapi tantangan era disrupsi dalam membangun citra sebagai destinasi pariwisata halal unggulan. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis pemasaran pariwisata halal di Pulau Penyengat pada era disrupsi, terutama dari aspek pemasaran digital. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif melalui studi pustaka dengan sumber data berasal dari artikel jurnal dan data literatur lainnya. Upaya pemasaran pariwisata halal di Pulau Penyengat secara digital belum dilakukan dengan maksimal. Pemasaran pariwisata cenderung menggunakan iklan media massa, baliho, dan festival tahunan. Saluran digital yang digunakan untuk mempromosikan pariwisata Pulau Penyengat terdiri dari media sosial, online booking site dan panduan e-book di halaltrip.com. Namun, penggunaannya masih terbatas pada informasi mengenai kegiatan pariwisata, dan belum memperkenalkan pariwisata halal secara riil. Hal ini terbukti belum optimalnya informasi mengenai konsep pariwisata halal dan belum tersedianya informasi tentang panduan perjalanan pariwisata halal bagi wisatawan Muslim di platform digital yang digunakan. Saran dalam upaya mempromosikan pariwisata halal Pulau Penyengat melalui saluran digital adalah pemilihan konten yang menarik di saluran pemasaran digital, ketersediaan informasi kebutuhan layanan halal, dan inovasi terhadap atraksi daya tarik wisata.
This research discusses how the empty box won in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election. This phenomenon became the elections' history where a single candidate failed to win the election. Ten political parties consisting of Functional Groups Party (Golkar), National Democratic Party (NasDem), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), United Development Party (PPP), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People's Conscience Party (Hanura), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), promoted a single candidate pair. This study aims to describe how the movement of empty box volunteers in the Makassar Regional Head Election. This research uses a qualitative method. Selection of informants using a snowball sampling technique, and using social movement theory. There are three parts to this theory: 1) Complaint theory. Public disappointment over a candidate pair's disqualification and consider the election organizer unfair; 2) Mobilizing structures theory. Analyze the voluntary movement of empty boxes to gather mass support and sympathizers during the election; and 3) Framing theory. Analyze the use of issues and methods of spreading the issue. This research found that the empty box phenomenon in Makassar Regional Head Election, unlike in the elections in other areas where the single candidate did not have an opponent, in Makassar, one of the candidate pairs was disqualified due to violation. It made the community, supporters, and the success team feels disappointed with the General Elections Commission's decision. This disappointment also resulted in the emergence of the empty box volunteer movement. Movements of empty box volunteers to gather mass support and sympathizers through door-to-door socializing, leaflets, flyers, and banners call to action to win empty box and use social media and online media as campaign tools. ; Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana kotak kosong menang pada Pilkada Makassar 2018. Fenomena ini menjadi sejarah pemilu dimana satu kandidat gagal memenangkan pemilu. Sepuluh partai politik yang terdiri dari Partai Golongan Karya (Golkar), Partai Nasional Demokrat (NasDem), Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P), Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya (Gerindra), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS), Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat (Hanura), Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN), dan Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia (PKPI), mempromosikan pasangan calon tunggal tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana pergerakan relawan kotak kosong dalam Pilkada Makassar. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Pemilihan informan menggunakan teknik snowball sampling, dan menggunakan teori pergerakan sosial. Ada tiga bagian teori ini: 1) Teori keluhan. Kekecewaan publik atas diskualifikasi pasangan calon dan menganggap penyelenggara pemilu tidak adil; 2) Teori struktur mobilisasi. Menganalisis pergerakan relawan kotak kosong untuk menghimpun dukungan massa dan simpatisan selama pemilihan; dan 3) Teori framing. Analisis isu yang digunakan dan metode untuk menyebarkan isu. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa fenomena kotak kosong pada Pilkada Makassar, berbeda dengan pilkada di daerah lain yang pasangan calon tunggal tidak memiliki lawan, di Makassar salah satu pasangan calon didiskualifikasi karena melakukan pelanggaran. Hal itu membuat masyarakat, pendukung, dan tim sukses kecewa dengan keputusan KPU. Kekecewaan ini juga mengakibatkan munculnya gerakan relawan kotak kosong. Gerakan relawan kotak kosong menghimpun dukungan massa dan simpatisan melalui sosialisasi dari pintu ke pintu, leaflet, flyer, dan spanduk ajakan bertindak untuk memenangkan kotak kosong dan menggunakan media sosial dan media online sebagai alat kampanye.
Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) are social diseases that have long infected the nation and state of Indonesia. This paper conveys the social movement theory in the effort to create a government free from KKN through strengthening the role of masyarakat madani (civil society). The Jenkins and Klandermans' diagram of the relationship of social movements with the state and the political system illustrates the problem of a three-way relationship between social movements, political representation and the state. The issue is the extent to which opportunities represented by political representatives in social movements, the impact of social protests on political parties and official political processes, as well as the implications of these relations in modern democracies. In this case, the social movement's chances through the 1998 reforms have been able to undermine the authoritarian New Order regime, a good start for the creation of democracy in Indonesia. However, it turns out that KKN disease that has been rooted to create systemic corruption (institutional entry) creates its own difficulties in eradication. Civil society as an alternative to social forces should be encouraged to play a role in solving the chaotic reform of the Indonesian bureaucracy. The role of civil society through NGOs, intellectuals, students, workers or labours, mass organizations, religious leaders, social media, press and other elements of society are expected to make the government more assertive in enforcing the law and crack down on KKN actors according to MPR XI / 1998, Anti-Corruption Law, as well as other supporting regulations that have been created. Law enforcement agencies, including POLRI, KPK, Judicial Commission are expected to play a role. This is of course with the participation of civil society as a control force that offsets the strength of government in upholding truth and justice. Keywords: civil society, social movements, KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism), clean government.
