When Norwegian soldiers were sent to Afghanistan in 2001 one could expect that Norway & Norwegians had conflict of loyalty since they wanted both to support USA & at the same time keep up the image of Norway as a force for peace on the international arena. In this situation it's of great interest to take a look at Norwegian media coverage of the event in general, & in particular the image of Norway's own position in the conflict. In Rune Ottosen's study: "The Media Image of the Warfare in Afghanistan: 'Worthy' or 'Unworthy Victims'?" the start of the attack on Afghanistan is analyzed in the two newspapers VG & Aftenposten. Both these mainstream newspapers had focus on "the Norwegian angle" in their coverage. From the very beginning, the focus is rather on the "worthy" than the "unworthy" victims. Of the two papers, VG was the one most supportive towards the US. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
Discusses the history and development of democracy and freedom in China from Mao Zedong to Beijing 2008 Summer Olympics. During Mao's regime the Chinese people lacked every freedom from travel to the freedom of speech in their own homes, and as late as 1989 the Tiananmen Square protests were brutally ended by the regime. Since then China has freed its economy and by the early 21st century Chinese people enjoy the right to select their local leaders, to live in any community they like, and to communicate freely with each other. However the highest party officials are still above criticism and the media is censored. L. Pitkaniemi
The relationship between the military and the media has always been characterized by conflict and interdependency. However, during the past decade the interaction between these two institutions has changed markedly as a result of new types of media and a growing military engagement in irregular conflicts. Building on existing research, this article traces how these changes in the media-military relationship's primary contexts have affected the degree of interdependency and conflict between, on the one hand, soldiers and military organizations and, on the other, war correspondents and editors. It is among the article's main arguments that the introduction of new types of media has generally worked to weaken the interdependency between the media and the military. Concurrently, the developments of the past decade have raised new research questions -- that is what the last section of the article is about. Adapted from the source document.
Stories told about al-Qaeda's first leader, Osama bin Laden, are closely connected with the conflicting media image of him maintained even after his death. In the few weeks after he was killed by American soldiers, President Barack Obama's portrayal of bin Laden as his trophy of war prevailed in the Western media, while in contrast a number of audio-visual obituaries posted on YouTube by al-Qaeda's supporters paid tribute to him. With these differing media portrayals showing Osama bin Laden as both demon and hero, this article attempts to shed light on the question of who he actually was. Adapted from the source document.
Etter at Tyrkia i 1999 fikk status som sokerland til EU og forhandlinger om medlemskap startet i 2005, har tyrkerne lovet a imotekomme EU-krav om demokratisering av landet og en losning av det 'kurdiske problemei'. En demokratiseringsprosess forutsetter imidlertid kritiske og frie medier. Men bade Tyrkias vestlige allierte og folk flest i landet er bekymret for dagens situasjon, der journalister, forfattere og folkevalgte politikere fengsles for sine ytringer som av myndighetene er oppfattet som formidling av propaganda som kommer den kurdiske frigjoringsbevegelse (PKK) til gode. Basert pa intervjuer med personer med ekspertkunnskap fra Tyrkia og et utvalg av avisartikler og kommentarer fra tyrkiske papiraviser, utforskes det hvordan tyrkiske medier styres i forhold til det kurdiske opproret i Tyrkia, samt hvorvidt det regierende Rettferdighets-og utviklingsparti (AKP) kan bidra til a demokratisere landet. Analysen viser at under Erdogan og hans AKP har medienes handlingsrom med hensyn til kurderkonflikten, og for orvrig ogsa generelt, ikke blitt saerlig bedre enn under hans forgjengere When Turkey was granted candidate status to EU membership in 1999 and negotiations started in 2005, hopes were high that the country would meet EU requirements for democratization and that a solution would be found to the so-called 'Kurdish problem'. However, a democratization process implies a critical and free media. Turkey's citizens and Western allies are now following recent developments with concern. Journalists, writers and elected politicians have been imprisoned for their work, some held on terror-related charges or propaganda and others for allegedly participating in antigovernment plots. With this as a backdrop, to what extent is Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) democratizing the country? My aim in this article is to answer the question and explore the extent to which media censorship and control is occurring, in particular regarding Kurdish insurgency in Turkey. I make use of primary and secondary data, including interviews with media experts in Turkey and a selection of newspaper articles from six Turkish newspapers. The Turkish government already exercises a tight hand over Turkey's traditional media, yet, as the analysis reveals, under Erdogan the government controls of freedom of expression and press (in particular concerning the Kurdish conflict) are tightening further. Adapted from the source document.
2012: The then Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Store is interviewed by Hall Geir Opedal over several pages in Dagbladet's Magazine, under the title 'International marital therapist'. He refers to the cabin on Sorlandet when he explains the development the nation has been through the Battle of Lyngor in 1812 two years earlier, and in prime time by Fredrik Skavlan, tells big about his love of skiing, and Skavlan shows pictures of 'naked Secretary with a chainsaw. 'Former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair guests also Skavlan program in conjunction with the launch of his autobiography autumn 2010, while Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg coughing criticism following year for a priority the same Skavlan above the castle annual dinner for members of parliament. Meanwhile be greeted President Barack Obama welcomed as a superstar on tour when he tends relationships with government leaders around the world. Adapted from the source document.
The role of think tanks in American politics has been increasingly subjected to systematic analysis over the last 10-15 years. In this article I review some of this literature, focusing mainly on the questions of what think tanks are, why this phenomenon is so strongly associated with the US, & what influence think tanks have on US policy-making. Think tanks comprise a wide range of organizations, from pure research institutions to the ideologically-based "advocacy think tanks" characterized by their combination of a strong political agenda & aggressive marketing techniques. The American political system has several features that allow think tanks access to the decision-making process, such as a fragmented structure with a weak party system, a central role for the mass media, & an issue-dominated political agenda. There is no good measure of the general influence of think tanks in US politics, but case studies indicate that the central role of the ideologically-based advocacy think tanks may serve to undermine the role of experts in American politics in the long term. References. Adapted from the source document.