The article discusses the image of Poland, the Poles, and Russia-Poland relations, presented by the Russian mass media in recent years. To analyze this image, the authors reviewed a number of publications that appeared in Russian publications in 2014–2018. At the same time, it was necessary to recall the historical causes of the Russian-Polish contradictions, from the early Middle Ages to the 20th century. The authors assess the relevance of the historical heritage for the modern politics of the two countries and make an attempt to determine the influence of the image of Poland created in the Russian media on the everyday consciousness of the Russian students. For this, a survey of first-year students of the St. Petersburg State Technological Institute was conducted. The survey results and comments are provided in this article.
The article describes the issue of disinformation in the mass media and the impact of disinformation on society, with particular emphasis on the legal and forensic aspect of this concept. The first part of the article contains information about the very concept of disinfor-mation, namely the first use of this word, its meanings and use. In the next part of the article, there are considerations strictly related to the issue of disinformation in the media in the legal and forensic aspect, together with the reference to relevant examples illustrating a given phe-nomenon and showing the impact on society. In a world where the mass media and public opinion play a very important role, disinformation has a huge driving force also in the legal and forensic sphere, as indicated in the article below.
Computer games (video games) are becoming increasingly popular way to relax, or even to maintain social relationships with other people. However, they are not just only entertainment. Treated as a mass media become a source of income, knowledge and social problems, which may distort the reality presented in them. It may also become the basis for manipulation and propaganda, to serve the struggle for cultural dominance, and indicate social problems.
The aim of study was to inverstgate the preffered by young people of personal models and factors influencing them. The study was conducted in 1999 and 2011 on the sample of high school students (third class), using questionnaire "personal patterns". The results show that the choice by young people of personal models occurs in conjunction with the family, school, theachers, peers and the media. Young people from these communities draws behavioral models from the different situations of everyday life, the system of social norms and values. Young people from these communities also draws models of socialization. In particular, the mass media (according to research) is an important and attractive component of the educational environment of youth, presenting different lifestyles and value systems, used by the adolescents.
The aim of this paper is to make an overarching evaluation by looking at historical policy of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) in Bosnia and Herzegowina at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and trying to (analytically) examine the main directions of this policy. Therefore paper will try to focus on the major historical figures and trying to analytically to indicate the reasons of the revival the Ottoman traditions in the public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering this issue I wonder what events and historical figures were promoted and which were censored by Bosnian politicians. What role in Bosnian historical politics was played by Srebrenica and the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. The results of these studies indicate that it was primarily the conflict in Yugoslavia that contributed to the revival of Ottoman traditions among Bosnian Muslims. Only after the war did the historical policy gain institutional support and help the ruling party mobilize the electorate. Since then, the pillar of historical policy has become the martyrdom of the nation, the Ottoman past as well as the cult of the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. Also, the authorities aimed to convince the inhabitants of Bosnia that in their lives the period of communist Yugoslavia brought many negative consequences. This pejorative image was supported in the mass media and education.
In June 2015 the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy announced an amendment to the Labour Code, which is the reaction to the prevalence of employment based on-fixed term contracts in Poland. The scale of this phenomenon is not observed in any other E. U. state. New regulations may result in a decrease in the share of fixed-term employees of the total number of employees to be observed in the last few years. The Ministry intends to replace the limit of the renewals of a job contract concluded with an employee (currently the second renewal of the contract results in the conclusion of a permanent job contract) with another restriction: the total duration of such contracts should not exceed 33 months. The problem of an excessive share of flexible forms of employment has been widely analysed in the literature in recent years. It has become the subject of studies in the area of economy and sociology as well as an issue addressed by labour law experts. The expansion of flexibility has also received criticism from the trade unions, which influenced the mass media discourse - it is enough to mention the popularity of the term 'junk contracts' since 2012. The author attempts to comprehensively analyse the problem of flexible forms of employment, which include such issues as: the reasons for their popularity among employers, the scale of the use of particular forms based on the available statistical data, the construction of protective regulations of domestic labour law in the light of the requirements resulting from the E. U. and the I. L. O. membership, as well as social and economic consequences of the use of flexible forms of employment.
The aim of the article is to analyze the image of economic emigration from Ukraine to Poland created by pro-Kremlin media after 2014. It shows how Russian propaganda changed during the 20th century, what function it had from the tsarist period, through the years of the Soviet Union, to contemporary times. Its significance in the period after the decomposition of the union state was presented, and in particular the changes that it underwent since Vladimir Putin's first presidency. There were shown ideological changes, which more or less influenced the public discourse, and thus also the media coverage. The functions of the Russian propaganda after the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and the way of presenting mass labour migration from Ukraine to Poland are presented, both in the context of creating a specific narrative about the current internal and foreign situation of Ukraine after the Dignity Revolution, as well as against the background of Polish-Ukrainian relations and migration processes taking place in Poland. It was shown which aspects of mass migration were most often presented by pro-Kremlin information platforms, in which context and how a specific propaganda discourse was constructed. An important element is the analysis of changes observed in the message of the state-controlled Russian media concerning the mass migration of Ukrainians to Poland and the analysis of the origins, scale, significance and consequences of this migration. More extensive research leads to the conclusion that the media controlled by the Kremlin authorities can skilfully construct the message by adapting it to the addressee. In Polish language information services, the information addressed to the recipient is much more detailed and prepared in such a way as to build an aversion between the host society and Ukrainian economic immigrants. While preparing the article, we used the analysis of data found with elements of a comparative analysis.
