Suchergebnisse

Attacks the "family values" rhetoric bandied about in contemporary US politics, particularly by the New Right & Republicans, & disseminated by the mass media. Their claims about the "breakdown" of the traditional nuclear family & subsequent destruction of morality, family life, neighborhood bonds, social values, academic excellence, the sanctity of marriage, etc, are refuted, demonstrating their ignorance &/or misuse of social scientific evidence. The post-WWII period is typically recalled as a "golden age" for whites, though, in reality, many experienced them as extremely troubling times in terms of, eg, conflicted women's roles, juvenile delinquency, mental disorders, illegitimate births, & sexual orientation. Equally fanciful (& false) images exist regarding black families during this period. This unreal conceptualization of the idyllic state of family relations in the past has been promulgated by the media, particularly by the introduction of TV & its rapid attainment of power & influence in shaping public attitudes. Additionally, there have been cultural inscription processes that mask the importance of social factors in bringing about changes in the family, & the tendency by politicians to focus on the family so that they can avoid addressing larger issues of class, race, & gender relations. K. H. Stewart

Arguing that globalization is more than an ideology, an attempt is made to distinguish between the generic concept & its most common manifestation, ie, capitalist globalization. Two defining characteristics of generic globalization are examined: the electronic revolution (primarily involving technological infrastructure & the mass media), & the creation of transnational social spaces that give rise to new forms of cosmopolitanism. Using global systems theory, alternatives to capitalist globalization are identified: (1) internationalist (state-centrist); (2) transnationalist (globalization as a contested world historical project with many variants); & (3) globalist (the neoliberal capitalist project). Despite their differences, all of these approaches maintain that contemporary world problems must be addressed beyond the level of the nation-state. It is contended that capitalist globalization cannot succeed in the long run because it is unable to resolve two pressing world problems: class polarization & ecological unstainability. K. Hyatt Stewart

Arguing that globalization is more than an ideology, an attempt is made to distinguish between the generic concept & its most common manifestation, ie, capitalist globalization. Two defining characteristics of generic globalization are examined: the electronic revolution (primarily involving technological infrastructure & the mass media), & the creation of transnational social spaces that give rise to new forms of cosmopolitanism. Using global systems theory, alternatives to capitalist globalization are identified: (1) internationalist (state-centrist); (2) transnationalist (globalization as a contested world historical project with many variants); & (3) globalist (the neoliberal capitalist project). Despite their differences, all of these approaches maintain that contemporary world problems must be addressed beyond the level of the nation-state. It is contended that capitalist globalization cannot succeed in the long run because it is unable to resolve two pressing world problems: class polarization & ecological unstainability. K. Hyatt Stewart

"The reaction to the Fukushima-catastrophe by the Japanese political class reveals a deeply rooted system crisis. A return of government and parliament to former patterns of political decision making and traditional patterns of energy policy is not possible and not acceptable. A change of policy perspectives, however, is requested by the majority of voters, citizen groups and mass media. Instead, the governments of the Democratic Party of Japan as well as the strongest Opposition party, the Liberal Democratic Party, stick to traditional patterns of a widespread use of nuclear energy by proposing the reactivation of nuclear reactors for up to 40 or even 60 (!) years. A way leading out of this crisis should instead be based on a combination of energy saving, environment protection and a consequent, risk minimizing energy policy. In short: Japan must invent itself as a new innovative society." (author's abstract)

An exploration of prime ministerial power in Sweden argues that the lessening of the prime minister's dependence on parliament or the Social Democratic Party is at least partly obtained from the electorate itself. Power resources available to the prime minister; the organization of Sweden's political parties; dynamics of party competition; & trends toward a shift from an emphasis on parties to individuals are examined. Given the nature of today's mass media, it is contended that it would be extremely difficult for a party to depose a popular prime minister. The argument that Sweden is already presidentialized is bolstered by the prime minister's ability to create a majority through negotiations with opposition party members & decision-making advantages provided by membership in the European Union. However, significant limits to presidentialization are pointed out to conclude that many of the conditions that have created what appears to be an "informal Swedish presidency" are not structural & therefore may diminish in importance according to prevailing political circumstances. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 47 References. J. Lindroth

An examination of Soka Gakkai's peripheral institutions argues that its "pillarized" structures are comparable to those that have developed in some religiously divided European societies. Pillarized structures are described as religious or ideologically oriented organizations that are striving toward self-sufficiency in spheres generally considered secular. The emancipation theory, political mobilization theory, & preservation theory that have been used to analyze European pillars are described & applied to Soka Gakkai, noting that the latter's organizational complex is at least as developed as that in the pillars of similar European associations. An exploration of Soka Gakkai's involvement in the educational, cultural, mass media, & political fields contends that existing links between the first three with political channels at both the local & global level makes the organizational complex an institutionalized pillar, even though it is small when contrasted with some European pillars. Emerging pillars in new religious movements in Europe & elsewhere are discussed, along with Soka Gakkai's compatibility with postmodern society by virtue of its increasing globalization. J. Lindroth

An examination of Soka Gakkai's peripheral institutions argues that its "pillarized" structures are comparable to those that have developed in some religiously divided European societies. Pillarized structures are described as religious or ideologically oriented organizations that are striving toward self-sufficiency in spheres generally considered secular. The emancipation theory, political mobilization theory, & preservation theory that have been used to analyze European pillars are described & applied to Soka Gakkai, noting that the latter's organizational complex is at least as developed as that in the pillars of similar European associations. An exploration of Soka Gakkai's involvement in the educational, cultural, mass media, & political fields contends that existing links between the first three with political channels at both the local & global level makes the organizational complex an institutionalized pillar, even though it is small when contrasted with some European pillars. Emerging pillars in new religious movements in Europe & elsewhere are discussed, along with Soka Gakkai's compatibility with postmodern society by virtue of its increasing globalization. J. Lindroth

In politischen Diskursen auf Microblogs stehen einzelne Beiträge zunächst einmal für sich. Erst die Kontextualisierung einer Äußerung ermöglicht adäquate Schlussprozesse. Hashtags erfüllen hierbei eine wesentliche Funktion: In Twitter können sie als Kontextualisierungshinweise verwendet werden, um Wörter zu markieren und Zusammenhänge herzustellen. Hashtags bieten den NutzerInnen von Microblogs die Möglichkeit, Diskurse zu verfolgen, an ihnen teilzunehmen, sie zu gestalten, sie umzudeuten, neue Diskurse zu kreieren, aber auch sie zu ignorieren oder sie zu umgehen. In der politischen Twitterkommunikation erhalten Wörter durch Hashtags ein neues Gewicht: Diskurse werden über sie identifiziert und strukturiert und erst durch sie ist es möglich, thematische Kohärenz, Sequentialität, Intertextualität und damit Diskursivität zu erzeugen.
Die Beispiele aus der Twitterpraxis zeigen, dass die Veränderung der Akteurskonstellationen weitgehende Folgen für die öffentliche Kommunikation haben kann. Nicht nur die professionell Beteiligten wie JournalistInnen und PolitikerInnen, sondern auch interessierte BürgerInnen können an Diskursen teilnehmen und diese aktiv gestalten. Öffentliche Wörter, wie im beschriebenen Fall das Hashtag "#aufschrei", machen den Diskurs zugänglich und sichtbar zugleich. Darüber hinaus symbolisieren sie das Diskursthema – hier: Alltagssexismus – und ermöglichen einen gesellschaftlichen Diskurs über massenmediale Themensetzungen hinaus. Interessanterweise nehmen Massenmedien diese Diskurse wiederum auf, so dass Twitter sowohl ein Medium ist, in dem Anschlusskommunikation zu diskutierten Themen einer massenmedialen Öffentlichkeit betrieben wird, als auch ein eigenständiges Diskursmedium, dessen Agenda seinerseits von den Traditionsmedien aufgriffen wird.

"Die Veralltäglichung (massen-)medialer Symbolpolitiken läßt sich als entscheidender politisch-kultureller Umbruch in der Gegenwart begreifen. Da in den entsprechenden Diskussionen zum Verhältnis von Macht und Medien allerdings feuilletonistische Aufregungen und Moralisierungen überwiegen, ist das wissenschaftliche Denken angesichts der Problematik 'Mediale Symbolpolitik' in besonderer Weise gefordert. Nach den begrifflichen Vorklärungen werden empirische Materialien aus dem Prozeß der deutschen Wiedervereinigung analysiert; hierbei wird v.a. der medialen Inszenierung der 'Einheit' Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Für die neuen Bundesländer ist dabei zu verzeichnen, daß die Umstellung von den alten propagandistischen Inszenierungen auf die modernen Symbolpolitiken andere Fiktionen der Einheit mit sich gebracht hat. Auf der Grundlage dieser Interpretationen wird die Frage nach der Kritik medialer Symbolpraktiken jenseits von Aufregung und Moralisierung neu gefaßt. Im Rahmen medientheoretischer Reflexionen wird der These nachgegangen, daß Theorien, in denen mediale Simulationsmöglichkeiten als Bedingungen politischen Handelns unterschätzt werden, an mediale Symbolpraktiken nicht heranreichen können." (Autorenreferat)

Research conducted in 1995 is drawn on to examine the public production of culture in Ferrara, a provincial town in Italy with a rich cultural tradition that has recently been revived, paving the way for the region's emergence as an international city of art & culture. Ways that the local government has assumed the role of cultural entrepreneur in this process are described, offering statistical data on cultural arts expenditures & demonstrating how the city's culture-based investment strategy is manifested. The transformation of the city from near obscurity by the late 1980s into the successful cultural product that it is today is described, focusing on local government efforts to promote its heritage & contemporary cultural productions ("great events") to a global public; the role of the mass media in this process is examined, as is the shrewd mixing of the cosmopolitan & the local in the government's marketing strategy. Characteristics of the audience in Ferrara for these cultural events are described, noting the distinction between high & popular culture. Implications for local urban networks as the city's status as a global cultural actor increases are considered. 6 Tables, 6 Figures, 32 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Inzivilität in Nutzerkommentaren kann sich negativ auf die Einstellungen von Rezipierenden auswirken. Inwieweit solche Kommentare auch das reale Verhalten der Lesenden beeinflussen, ist bislang weitgehend ungeklärt. Die vorliegende Studie untersucht deshalb die Auswirkungen von Hasskommentaren unter journalistischen Artikeln über Geflüchtete auf das prosoziale Verhalten von Rezipierenden. Basierend auf der Theory of Planned Behavior und auf Forschung zu sozialen Gruppenidentitäten wird mit einem Online-Experiment gezeigt, dass Hasskommentare gegen Geflüchtete – vermittelt über die Einstellungen der Rezipierenden – den tatsächlich gespendeten Betrag für eine Flüchtlingshilfsorganisation reduzieren. Gleichzeitig erhöhen Hasskommentare die Spende an eine Hilfsorganisation für Obdachlose. Für negative, aber zivil formulierte Kommentare finden sich keine vergleichbaren Effekte. Diese Befunde implizieren eine identitätsbasierte Polarisierung des prosozialen Verhaltens durch Hasskommentare.