Independent media constitute a crucial component of a liberal democracy, especially for the critical role they can play in advancing the pace of democratization. In the late Soviet era, after Gorbachev lifted state control of the media as part of his glasnost policy, they helped release the hold of communist ideology on society & then went on in the 1990s to mobilize public support for democratic development. Essentially the media constituted the "engine for democratization." More recently, however, the media have become less influential. This chapter focuses on why this has happened & what its implications are for the future of democracy in Russia. J. Stanton
The role of transnational media organizations in influencing diplomacy, foreign affairs, & security has increased in the post-Cold War era. The media has evolved from domestic agencies into interdependent transnationals, as evidenced by CNN's role in the Gulf War. The evolution, structure, & operation of the two major global media players -- CNN & BCC News -- are charted. The media are involved in promoting government activities, but at the same time, need to be harnessed for national security. A "CNN effect" is disputed -- the immediacy of the new media does not necessarily underlie a loss of policy-making control in government. Media issues related to war coverage, military operations, & humanitarian missions are discussed. Traditional barriers to the flow of information will be further dissolved by new technologies, so security policy needs to stay on the cutting edge to address these. M. Pflum
In: Gesellschaften im Umbau: Identitäten, Konflikte, Differenzen ; Hauptreferate des Kongresses der schweizerischen Sozialwissenschaften, Bern 1995, S. 229-234
Introduces an edited volume exploring the effects of the media on US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. New geopolitical realities & changes in international communications have altered media behavior, changed public opinion, & affected foreign policy making in the US & Europe. The host of problems now faced by policymakers is not conducive to consensus, as were the bipolar issues of the Cold War. CNN coverage informs the public instantly & forces decisionmakers to respond rapidly, often without sufficient time to deliberate. Public access to the Internet makes it difficult for governments to control the information the public receives. Articles in this volume explore the extent to which shifts in news reporting & global communications have provided information to the mass public & the resulting impact on national leaders & decisionmakers. Also explored is the extent to which national leaders have used the media to form & lead public opinion. The 21st-century foreign policy process may be more transparent, making it essentially "decision making in a glass house." The contributions & thought of each contributor is explored. L. A. Hoffman
This chapter analyzes the emergence & growth of the German branch of ATTAC (Assoc for the Taxation of Financial Transaction for the Aid of Citizens), a transnational social movement organization (TSMO), focusing on how transnational protest events affected its development. It is first noted that in June 2001, after 18 months of mobilization efforts, ATTAC Germany had only 400 members & no national political or media standing. In July, it began attracting some 100 members a week & by year's end, had almost 4,000 members, making it the single most important organization in the German global justice movement. An attempt is made to explain this development based on an adapted version of the political process theory of social movements (McAdam, 1982; Costain, 1994). This theory, which argues that the trajectory of social movements is shaped by contentious interactions with its antagonists & by factors originating from the institutionalized political process, is expanded here to include the mass media & international politics. Applying this theory to analyze empirical data drawn from a media analysis, it is concluded that ATTAC's successful mobilization at that particular time was the result of extensive media coverage of the protests against the European Union (EU) summit in Gothenburg, Sweden, in June & against the G7 summit in Genoa, Italy, in July. Figures. J. Stanton
Although radical solutions to the faults of the media in the UK may not exist; government has a responsibility to encourage high-quality policy reporting & civic education. The current "lifestyle reporting" is not a good substitute for background reports that explain the heart of the story. Involved citizenship will require better quality information rather than a larger quantity. The media now uses the Internet through Web sites where the reader can study the original source documents. The Internet is also a means for ordinary people to inform the government about their views. Regulation of the public broadcaster, BBC, gives direction for all media, that of providing quality, substantive information. A more active citizenship will demand responsible information from the media. L. A. Hoffman
The author examines the role of the media in influencing public opinion. Concern about the media's focus on communicating gloom to increase the audience's emotional response is expressed before the author discusses ways the media can be used to increase citizen participation in public policy making. References. D. Miller
The author discusses the state of Ukrainian media in the years preceding the Orange Revolution, as well as the media revolution that accompanied, & furthered the victory of, the Orange Revolution. While the early 1990s witnessed a growth in the number of independent media outlets, the late 1990s & early 2000s saw a reversal of that trend. The author discusses two incidences, the Gongadze Case (2001) & the exposure of the temnyky documents (2000-2003) that reflected the resurgence of media censorship. The author then examines how censorship affected different media, including print media, television, internet, & radio, & provides a list of some of the unfair actions taken against the Ukrainian media. Finally, the author explores how journalism & the media changed during the Orange Revolution. J. Harwell
This chapter discusses the diasporic experience of Iranians living in London (ILIL) & the roles the media can play in this experience. The media can help to integrate Iranians into British culture, make feelings of dislocation worse, bind Iranians to the global Iranian diaspora, or do a little of each. While ILIL do not constitute a single community, they are a "community in action," coming together for cultural events. They are also informally bound by different forms of media, eg, newspapers, women's & film magazines, & radio. This range of media contributes to the institutionalization of Iranian diasporas in different countries. Also found was a psychological shift occurring among some participants -- from viewing themselves as exiles who were eventually going back to Iran to immigrants who were building a new life for themselves in GB. A generational gap exists; older ILIL were more likely to be nostalgic for Iran, while the younger generation was already immersed in British culture, media, & education. The issue of identity is also discussed; there are differing views on how important the preservation of Persian is in maintaining an Iranian identity. A. Lee
Examines audience beliefs related to social conflict as presented in the mass media, considering variances in these beliefs according to type of media & level of personal involvement. Survey data from 385 people, ages 19-30, in university & shopping settings in three mid-Atlantic & New England states reveal that beliefs about social conflict can be attributed to TV & newspaper coverage. Further, sets of beliefs varied according to type of media dependency & level of personal involvement. Results are consistent with Isaac Ajzen & Martin Fishbein's (1975) theory of reasoned action, ie, that people adhere to distinctive beliefs about social conflict, which themselves are shaped by past experiences with the media, & these beliefs influence their choice of information goals. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. D. Ryfe
Traces the prevalent stereotypes of African Americans in the US media culture & discusses the antiracist responses. It is contended that the expansion of US popular culture to the global community raises moral questions regarding the spread of US racist stereotypes to the rest of the world. Antiracist activity in film is traced to the organized political pressure & protests by African Americans & progressive whites against the film The Birth of a Nation (1915). Other antiracist activity examined includes: the US government's encouragement to Hollywood to portray blacks in a dignified manner during WWII years; & the call by the American Civil Liberties Union Art Division, led by writers & producers as well as prominent actors, for a boycott of production companies that maintained policies of discrimination. The 1970s produced the advent of "blaxploitation" TV & movies, but also positive antiracist events including Roots & The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman. It is argued that the overwhelmingly biased images of African Americans being exported around the globe speaks volumes for what it says about the producers & consumers of such ideas. 87 References. M. Greenberg