Suchergebnisse

Conquistar una autonomía política por el procedimiento del artículo 151 de la Constitución constituye un factor esencial en la Transición y, a su vez, el hilo interpretativo más importante. Pretendemos demostrar la activa y decidida participación de los medios de comunicación en la génesis y mantenimiento de una conciencia autonomista, entendida ésta como sensibilidad imprescindible para el autogobierno. Para ello, mediante ejemplos significativos, recorremos las variables sociopolíticas y mediáticas por las que atraviesa el periodo en cuestión, a la vez que analizamos los diferentes ritmos y mensajes de un discurso por el que Andalucía es ámbito de interés comunicativo. ; To conquer a political autonomy by means of the proceeding of the article 151 of the Constitution is an essential factor of the Transition and, in turn, the most important interpretative thread. Is aimed to show the active and determined participation of the mass media in the maintenance of a autonomist conscience, being this the indispensable sensibility the self-government. Thus, using significant examples we analyze the socio-political and media variables that have an impact on the historical period considered while examining the different rhythms and messages of a discourse by means of which Andalucía is ambit of communicative interest.

The recent exhumation of mass graves from the Spanish Civil War and the Post-War years, mostly involving the largely abandoned graves of the Francoist rearguard, have become a central element in contemporary debates about the conflict and the regime following it. In this paper, the complexity and dynamism of this process is analysed, including from political and legal initiatives of great social and media impact to local actions on the ground, at times failed, ephemeral or almost imperceptible, but no less crucial. From the point of view of many of the people involved in the pro-exhumation associations, opening up the graves is part of a basic exercise in justice and 'dignification', showing the scope and systematic nature of repression while reverting the 'infrahuman' disposition of the executed corpses, a feeling crystallised in the common expression 'thrown' or 'buried like dogs', used very often to justify the need of carrying out exhumations. Politics of dignification and 'rehumanization' of these 'incorrectly' buried bodies are incorporating, in the last few months, elements drawn from international law, such as the concept of 'crimes against humanity'. ; Las exhumaciones de fosas comunes de la Guerra Civil española y la posguerra de la última década, muy especialmente de fosas abandonadas de la retaguardia franquista, se han colocado en un lugar central de los debates contemporáneos sobre la naturaleza y alcance de la contienda y el régimen que surgió de ella. En este artículo, se analiza la complejidad y dinamismo del proceso, que incluye desde iniciativas políticas y judiciales de enorme proyección pública y mediática, como la Ley de la Memoria o el controvertido auto de Garzón sobre los crímenes del franquismo, hasta acciones locales a veces fallidas, imperceptibles o efímeras, pero no menos cruciales. Desde el punto de vista de muchos de los actores sociales implicados en las exhumaciones, reabrir las fosas forma parte de un ejercicio básico de justicia y 'dignificación', al mostrar la magnitud y sistematicidad de la represión y revertir una situación insostenible de disposición 'infrahumana' de los cadáveres de las personas fusiladas, cristalizada en la expresión 'tirados' o 'enterrados como perros', usada con frecuencia para justificar las exhumaciones. Las políticas de dignificación o 'rehumanización' de estos muertos mal enterrados están incorporando en los últimos meses elementos provenientes del derecho transnacional, como el concepto de 'crímenes contra la humanidad'.

The recent exhumation of mass graves from the Spanish Civil War and the Post-War years, mostly involving the largely abandoned graves of the Francoist rearguard, have become a central element in contemporary debates about the conflict and the regime following it. In this paper, the complexity and dynamism of this process is analysed, including from political and legal initiatives of great social and media impact to local actions on the ground, at times failed, ephemeral or almost imperceptible, but no less crucial. From the point of view of many of the people involved in the pro-exhumation associations, opening up the graves is part of a basic exercise in justice and 'dignification', showing the scope and systematic nature of repression while reverting the 'infrahuman' disposition of the executed corpses, a feeling crystallised in the common expression 'thrown' or 'buried like dogs', used very often to justify the need of carrying out exhumations. Politics of dignification and 'rehumanization' of these 'incorrectly' buried bodies are incorporating, in the last few months, elements drawn from international law, such as the concept of 'crimes against humanity'. ; Las exhumaciones de fosas comunes de la Guerra Civil española y la posguerra de la última década, muy especialmente de fosas abandonadas de la retaguardia franquista, se han colocado en un lugar central de los debates contemporáneos sobre la naturaleza y alcance de la contienda y el régimen que surgió de ella. En este artículo, se analiza la complejidad y dinamismo del proceso, que incluye desde iniciativas políticas y judiciales de enorme proyección pública y mediática, como la Ley de la Memoria o el controvertido auto de Garzón sobre los crímenes del franquismo, hasta acciones locales a veces fallidas, imperceptibles o efímeras, pero no menos cruciales. Desde el punto de vista de muchos de los actores sociales implicados en las exhumaciones, reabrir las fosas forma parte de un ejercicio básico de justicia y 'dignificación', al mostrar la magnitud y sistematicidad de la represión y revertir una situación insostenible de disposición 'infrahumana' de los cadáveres de las personas fusiladas, cristalizada en la expresión 'tirados' o 'enterrados como perros', usada con frecuencia para justificar las exhumaciones. Las políticas de dignificación o 'rehumanización' de estos muertos mal enterrados están incorporando en los últimos meses elementos provenientes del derecho transnacional, como el concepto de 'crímenes contra la humanidad'.

A study of 21st-century narratives and their use of discursive strategies to contest consumer-oriented cultural practices and the mass media appropriation of cultural politics, particularly in post-dictatorship societies that underwent a rapid immersion into a market economy in the context of democratic transition. These processes took place on both sides of the Atlantic, as was the case with Spain and Argentina. This article will examine Spanish writer Belén Gopegui's Lo real (2001) and Argentine author Rodolfo Fogwill's novel En otro orden de cosas (2001) as examples of discursive resistance to hegemonic cultural initiatives in the context of globalization. ; El siguiente ensayo explora narrativas contemporáneas contestatarias a la mediatización cultural y, en general, a la lógica formatizadora de sentidos imperante particularmente en aquellas sociedades postdictatoriales cuya transición democrática coincidió con una acelerada incorporación al mercado global. Procesos que tuvieron lugar a ambos lados del Atlántico, como en el caso de España y Argentina. Se examinará el grado en que las novelas Lo real (2001) de la española Belén Gopegui y En otro orden de cosas (2001) del argentino Rodolfo Fogwill oponen resistencia a la mercantilización cultural y literaria en particular, y a dispositivos y retóricas de consenso generados por esta hegemonía mercadotécnica de la era globalizada.

The author of the article analyses the presidential election 2004 in the USA through the perspective of the interwork of political campaigns and new tools of mass me-dia. Besides, by the example of two different political vectors of Bush and Kerri, the author differentiates the electorate and mass media, inquires into the question of the poli-tical scheme of preferences of Americans nowadays as well as the tendencies of the alter-native mass media. Key words: presidential election, Democratic/Republican Parties, preference, partisan media, terrorism, Internet. ; У статті розглянуто президентські вибори в США 2004 року крізь призму взаємодії політичних кампаній та новітніх механізмів мас-медіа. Окрім того, на при-кладі двох політичних векторів Буша та Керрі автор подає картину диференціації електорату і ЗМІ, зокрема аналізує політичну карту новочасних преференцій амери-канців, а також тенденції альтернативних мас-медіа. Ключові слова: президентські вибори, демократи, республіканці, префе-ренції, заангажованість ЗМІ, тероризм, Інтернет.

Magnitude of the mass media, one of which lies in its ability to create a discourse about reality or rather a general truth. In critical studies, the ability of mass media in creating public discourse of reality or truth is in fact often exploited certain parties to make a new form of colonialism and relatively hidden. A media imperialism, which no longer associated with physical control but on "the mental framed" construction, where the strategy of imperialism carried out parallel with education instead of going to the spirit of liberation and equality in the box with the image of the Modern. This article attempts to unpack how the ad or TV ad in particular, as the product of the mass media which according to Chapman regarded as "one of Richest sources available for surveying the state of modern mythology" doing the process of media imperialism. Election issues "Locality" in TV ads were taken by two main considerations: first, that the issue is relatively crucial issues and enduring in the East and West relations or wealthy industrialist with the state Poor State or target industrialist. Second, while many parties attempt to show or demonstrate empathy towards the local community by providing motivation and facilities on facilities on the value-belief-behavior local to a go-publish, it coincided with efforts ethnicist it being popularized through the mediation of the mass media industry, participating as well industrial interests of the charged political economy and of course biased. Go-publish locality which was originally filled with the spirit of equality in the process it was defeated by the interests of industrialists created solely for the sake of the industrialists. In such a context, the localism in television viewing in general or in particular television ad is only present and mediate the 'needs' differentiation only and does not motivate concrete actions to realize the essence of equality which aspired at first. Image of 'differentiation' is what the media is packaged in a speech language (verbal &visual) that is also called as the process of formation of Mythology. This article attempts to unpack the process of media imperialism at the level of advertising creative production process, which often occurs even without the knowledge or awareness of the 'author' creativity of the ad itself.

Media is one among many tools used in diplomatic practice. Apart from being mechanical, the media cannot be isolated from the social and cultural situations from which the message produced and understood, the political economic interests for which the message created, and the networks of actors by which the contours of the discourse took relevance. Discourse power of the media is warrant by the providence of the media as public space. The nature of discourse power can be seen through its mobility, interactivity and fluidity. The power of the discourse may promote peace as much as conflict, and be utilized for preserving mass compliance as much as steering movements of global resistance.

В статье анализируются особенности взаимодействия социальной политики, социального настроения и журналистики. Автор определяет факторы формирования медиаобраза окружающей реальности и влияния телевизионной картины на развитие гражданского общества. ; The article analyses features of interaction between social politic, social mood and journalism. The author outlines the main factors of forming the media image of the reality and the influence of TV on civil society development.

Respected scholar, expert, public opinion maker, oracle, under-cover politician, charlatan, cartoon character – all roles "out there" waiting for scholars sharing knowledge with a wider public. Scholars of religion trying to carve out more room in the public arena for a non- religious, scientific approach to religion always risk digging their graves as (respected) scholars. What's worse, they also risk digging the grave for a valuable and respectable, as well as publicly valued and respected academic, scientific study of religion. The scholar popularizing scientifically based knowledge, not least via the mass media (daily newspapers or public television), may "become" political and controversial to such a degree that s/he becomes a problem for the scientific study of religion, the community of scholars of religion, and the university with which s/he is affiliated. The otherwise valuable engagement threatens the reputation of science as being something valuable, "pure" and "neutral," elevated above the dirty business of politics and power. In spite of the risks, the engaged scholar, it is, however, also argued, actually can help to strengthen the position, inside and outside the academy, of scientifically based knowledge and of the critical, analytical, scientific study of religion. ; Respected scholar, expert, public opinion maker, oracle, under-cover politician, charlatan, cartoon character – all roles "out there" waiting for scholars sharing knowledge with a wider public. Scholars of religion trying to carve out more room in the public arena for a nonreligious, scientific approach to religion always risk digging their graves as (respected) scholars. What's worse, they also risk digging the grave for a valuable and respectable, as well as publicly valued and respected academic, scientific study of religion. The scholar popularizing scientifically based knowledge, not least via the mass media (daily newspapers or public television), may "become" political and controversial to such a degree that s/he becomes a problem for the scientific study of religion, the community of scholars of religion, and the university with which s/he is affiliated. The otherwise valuable engagement threatens the reputation of science as being something valuable, "pure" and "neutral," elevated above the dirty business of politics and power. In spite of the risks, the engaged scholar, it is, however, also argued, actually can help to strengthen the position, inside and outside the academy, of scientifically based knowledge and of the critical, analytical, scientific study of religion.

34 páginas, 8 figuras. ; [ES] Las exhumaciones de fosas comunes de la Guerra Civil española y la posguerra de la última década, muy especialmente de fosas abandonadas de la retaguardia franquista, se han colocado en un lugar central de los debates contemporáneos sobre la naturaleza y alcance de la contienda y el régimen que surgió de ella. En este artículo, se analiza la complejidad y dinamismo del proceso, que incluye desde iniciativas políticas y judiciales de enorme proyección pública y mediática, como la Ley de la Memoria o el controvertido auto de Garzón sobre los crímenes del franquismo, hasta acciones locales a veces fallidas, imperceptibles o efímeras, pero no menos cruciales. Desde el punto de vista de muchos de los actores sociales implicados en las exhumaciones, reabrir las fosas forma parte de un ejercicio básico de justicia y 'dignificación', al mostrar la magnitud y sistematicidad de la represión y revertir una situación insostenible de disposición 'infrahumana' de los cadáveres de las personas fusiladas, cristalizada en la expresión 'tirados' o 'enterrados como perros', usada con frecuencia para justificar las exhumaciones. Las políticas de dignificación o 'rehumanización' de estos muertos mal enterrados están incorporando en los últimos meses elementos provenientes del derecho transnacional, como el concepto de 'crímenes contra la humanidad'. ; [EN] The recent exhumation of mass graves from the Spanish Civil War and the Post-War years, mostly involving the largely abandoned graves of the Francoist rearguard, have become a central element in contemporary debates about the conflict and the regime following it. In this paper, the complexity and dynamism of this process is analysed, including from political and legal initiatives of great social and media impact to local actions on the ground, at times failed, ephemeral or almost imperceptible, but no less crucial. From the point of view of many of the people involved in the pro-exhumation associations, opening up the graves is part of a basic exercise in justice and 'dignification', showing the scope and systematic nature of repression while reverting the 'infrahuman' disposition of the executed corpses, a feeling crystallised in the common expression 'thrown' or 'buried like dogs', used very often to justify the need of carrying out exhumations. Politics of dignification and 'rehumanization' of these 'incorrectly' buried bodies are incorporating, in the last few months, elements drawn from international law, such as the concept of 'crimes against humanity'. ; Esta investigación se ha llevado a cabo gracias al Proyecto Intramural Especial (PIE) 200710I006 del CSIC. ; Peer reviewed

AbstractThe era of new media affects fundamental changes in all aspects of human life as well as being a human need, both individually and in social relations, and fundamental changes in the social, political, economic, and cultural fields. Moreover, there are fundamental changes in aspects of religious thought, fatwas, and practice, as well as the relationships established on the basis of religious norms. Following the observations of Teusner and Cambell, this trend is both a challenge and a hope for religions. The use of modern technology and media has opened the door to new and creative thinking about how to organize and plan a political movement and social revolution that is rapidly gaining global influence. Very important changes in the religious aspect, among others, are the shift in religious authority and the patterns of relationships between followers and religious figures or leaders who become role models in everyday life. So far, religious authority only belongs to the ulama, murshid, religious teachers or ustad. Religious authority is also in the strong grip of the government through the ministry of religious affairs and non-governmental institutions such as religious mass organizations (ormas). So that religious control is also held by related parties who have full power. So don't be surprised if the influence of social media makes a shift in religious authority in the Post Truth Era which is increasingly rampant. Keywords: Media, Fragmentation, Authority

Social media networks, such as Twitter, offer the perfect opportunity to either positively or negatively affect political attitudes on large audiences. The existence of influential users who have developed a reputation for their knowledge and experience of specific topics is a major factor contributing to this impact. Therefore, knowledge of the mechanisms to identify influential users on social media is vital for understanding their effect on their audience. The concept of the influential user is related to the concept of opinion leaders' to indicate that ideas first flow from mass media to opinion leaders and then to the rest of the population. Hence, the objective of this research was to provide reliable and accurate structural mechanisms to identify influential users, which could be applied to different platforms, places, and subjects. Twitter was selected as the platform of interest, and Saudi Arabia as the context for the investigation. These were selected because Saudi Arabia has a large number of Twitter users, some of whom are considerably active in setting agendas and disseminating ideas. The study considered the scientific methods that have been used to identify public opinion leaders before, utilizing metrics software on Twitter. The key findings propose multiple novel metrics to compare Twitter influencers, including the number of followers, social authority and the use of political hashtags, and four secondary filtering measures. Thus, using ratio and percentage calculations to classify the most influential users, Twitter accounts were filtered, analyzed and included. The structured approach is used as a mechanism to explore the top ten influencers on Twitter from the political domain in Saudi Arabia.

This report consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 explains the choice of specific SROs for the Phase 2 focussed evaluations, and the methodology we adopt (as in the Inception Report). We set the examples against a common set of criteria, and selected and tabulated against these criteria. The substantive Chapters 2-5 contain case studies arranged by four categories: infrastructure and critical resources (Chapter 2); issues affecting content rating (Chapter 3), Internet filtering and reporting of illegal content (Chapter 4); issues that are emerging (Chapter 5). This provides the basis for examination of standards, infrastructure, ISP self-regulation, mass media content, and user-derived content. It also provides the framework to examine personal Internet security, DRM and e-commerce standards. Finally, Chapter 6 details the comparative analysis across case studies, in order to develop patterns, especially with regard to the dynamic evolution of case studies identified in the study period June-September 2007. Further gap analysis bridges the Phase 1 mapping exercise, and Phase 2 detailed examination of a representative and strategically chosen universe of case studies, is to identify the continually emerging environment for new topics and/or sectoral areas of regulatory and/or legislative interest. This concise gap analysis provides the background for the final report explanation of potential areas for further research. In the final section, we detail the work to be undertaken subsequently to complete the study. Appendix 1 details the schedule of interviews and other discussions conducted with stakeholders and experts. Appendix 2 details web survey responses.

Tempo.co as well-known mass media in Indonesia gains tremendous attention from public reader concerning Covid-19 pandemic. The influential news that it produced has discursive dimension that can be analyzed by Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). This study is a textual analysis that uses CDA theory with purposive sampling from tempo.co news as the data. In this study, it can be found that Tempo.co portray this media as a 'watchdog' that serves to supervise those who have a power within politics (government). Tempo's newspaper produces text news that reflects to the government depiction in their policies. Thus, Tempo's newspaper led the readers to give a positive image to Tempo.co as an active and existent media in serving the truth. Tempo.co try to gain the public trust to consume their news, then Tempo will get a high profit in it. Keywords: CDA; Ideology; Socio-culture; Mass Media

This paper discusses the polemic over the referendum on membership in the European Union. The research is conducted on the basis of content analysis of the speeches of participants in the polemic. The consequences of leaving the EU will depend on what policies the UK adopts following Brexit. ; В данной статье рассмотрена полемика по вопросу референдума о членстве в Европейском союзе. Исследование проводится на основе контент-анализа выступлений участников полемики.