The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the confl ict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as 'the Polish Crisis', the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in infl uencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers' strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were 'disloyal' to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.
The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the confl ict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as 'the Polish Crisis', the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in infl uencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers' strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were 'disloyal' to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.
The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the confl ict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as 'the Polish Crisis', the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in infl uencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers' strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were 'disloyal' to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.
The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the confl ict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as 'the Polish Crisis', the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in infl uencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers' strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were 'disloyal' to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.
Part 3: Understanding eParticipation ; International audience ; Through theories of mediatization it is commonly understood that political institutions and participatory practices adapt to the logics of mass media. Today the overall media and communication landscape is becoming digitalized. Technological processes of digitalization evolve in tandem with socio-cultural processes of reflexivity and individualization in late modernity. Thus politics and participation will be adapting to an increasingly digitalized and individualized media and communication landscape. This is a theoretical paper with an aim to critically analyze how contemporary media and communication landscape will influence practices of participation. Through the concept of network logic it is argued that users are disciplined into responsive and reflexive communication and practices of constant updating. As a result of this political participation will be more expressive and increasingly centered around identity negotiation.
В статье рассматриваются правовые аспекты государственной молодежной политики после объединения Германии, анализируется законодательная база, которая стала не только регулировать положение молодых людей в обществе, но и защищать их от разного рода негативных воздействий. Особое внимание уделяется изучению правовых положений и работы специального ведомства, контролирующих средства массовой информации. ; In the article the law problems of the state youth policy after reunion of Germany are taken under consideration, the legislation, which began not only regulate the place of youngsters in society but also protect from several of negative external influences, is analyzed. Special attention is paid to revising the juridical situation and the work of special offices which control mass media.
This study aims to determine the role of the general election commission in increasing public participation in the 2020 elections for Medan City. The method used in this research is qualitative. The informants in this study were members of the Medan City Election Commission and the public who were registered as the final voter list in the 2020 Medan City Election. The results of the study can be seen that the role that the Medan City KPU has to foster community participation in politics, especially in the Medan City elections from the KPU regarding the implementation schedule, registration, and voter data collection. Then socialization with face-to-face communication through mass media, social media, creative media, KPU announcement boards, and so on.
Growing climate of democracy in Indonesia since the reform era has opened up opportunities for the various political parties to evolve. Political practice in Indonesia alone has grown so rapidly with applications utilizing various management disciplines such as marketing. Examples of the most obvious application of marketing in Indonesia is positioning in political campaigns. Given the diversity of the people of Indonesia, the positioning of a candidate or a political party should be done differently for each different segments of society. Relationship marketing and the media is very urgent, because the mass media is the type of media addressed to a number of audiences dispersed, heterogeneous and anonymous so that the same message can be received simultaneously and immediately.
This study is a literature review to explore the effect of the growing tabloidization of news coverage on democratic politics. The study focuses on some important considerations, among which are three basic values of modern democratic societies, namely, freedom, justice and order, which it is vital to retain. While these basic values in mass media communication are not compromised, it is difficult to deny that the media, tabloid or not, cause a crisis in public life. This crisis means that 'core values' such as independence, diversity and objectivity risk being lost because of changes in the media. Such changes are due to pressures from the market and society, but these pressures have not been shown to hinder democratic life.
The al-Qaida leadership around Usama Bin Laden and his deputy Aiman al-Zawahiri used the year 2007 for an unprecedented public relations campaign. Never before had leading representatives of the organization been seen and heard so frequently in video and audio messages. The campaign's climax was a videotape from early September 2007 in which Bin Laden himself appeared on film for the first time since 2004 sharply criticizing the war in and the presence in Afghanistan. This media resurgence raises the question whether al-Qaida's intensified activities represent desperate attempts to gain attention in the mass media and thus constitute signs of decline, or whether they should be interpreted as signs of a renewed strength that is being further reinforced through the organization's increased utilization of the media
Purpose of the study: The advent of digital media along with the recent boom of smartphones has changed the atlas of communication. The ubiquity of Social media has led to its increased use in all aspects of communication as against conventional media. Politics is not an exception. The role of social media in political discourses, engagement, and mobilization is widely realized and practiced and has become an important mode of political communication in India. In this paper, we explore the current academic corpus on political communication in the context of social media. Methodology: The narrative literature review method proposed by Green, Johnson, and Adams (2006) was employed as the method for this article. Relevant peer-reviewed papers published during the period 2011-18 were considered for the narrative review. Appropriate papers were selected by a Google Scholar search using the keywords 'Social media', 'India' and 'political communication. Main Findings: The broad aim of the present paper was to explore the current academic literature in the field of social media and political communication. The narrative literature review undertaken indicates scant work with limited focus on the broader issues. Social media influence on voting behavior and political engagement was the well-explored domain, but the determinants and uniqueness of such communication have not been explored. Applications of this study: The indications from the review showcase that the magnitude and essence of political communication have changed through the years. The spectrum of political communication through social media has a great role in political and civic engagement. This study will be useful to the researchers in the field of mass communication, journalism, and political science. Novelty/Originality of this study: The conventional mainstream media and social media are increasingly showing a pattern of convergence and mutual exclusiveness. One of the critical findings from the review is that the gender domains of social media and political communication in India have not been given much attention and empirical evidence is scanty. Future research in the field of social media in India should focus on the gendered spheres of political communication.
Following historical and political events, the Turkish Cypriot community living in North Cyprus are unrecognised by the world, with economic, political and at times socio-cultural embargoes placed on them since 1974. In a somewhat subordinate position, the Turkish Cypriot's find themselves with almost no international voice of representation, with their contested representation scarcely studied by social and cultural studies scholars. This study aims to fill this gap by investigating how the Turkish Cypriots are represented in the British press. Due to Britain's role of guarantor within the Cyprus issue, and thus, a stakeholder in the fate of the Turkish Cypriot's plight, it's important to measure the perception of the British journalists towards the Turkish Cypriot community. Primarily, relying on the theoretical work of Edward Said's 'Orientalism' and Robert J.C. Young's 'White Mythology', Qualitative Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis was performed upon 45 news articles with the Turkish Cypriots and the Cyprus issue as core subject, published across five British broadsheet newspapers between the dates of April 1999 and April 2004; a period of increased political activity for all involved in the Cyprus issue. Inspired by the concepts of 'self' and 'other' in relation to the Turkish Cypriots, results from the Qualitative Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis provide evidence for the representation of the Turkish Cypriot's as 'others', with orientalist narratives used in relation to the Turkish Cypriot people and the North Cyprus territory, framing derogatory images of this nation of people. An additional finding is the presence of White Mythology, where lack of background historic iv information and the use and constant repetition of particular words, such as 'invasion', 'breakaway' and 'occupied', establishes different understandings of historical events in relation to the Cyprus issue. Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis, Qualitative Content Analysis, Cyprus Issue, Orientalism, Representation, Turkish Cypriots, White Mythology ; ÖZ: 1974 yılından bu yana yaşanan tarihi ve siyasi önem taşıyan olayların ardından, Kuzey Kıbrıs'ta, Kıbrıslı Türklere uygulanan ekonomik, politik ve bazen de sosyal ve kültürel ambargoların yanında, Kıbrıs Türk halkı dünya tarafından tanınmamaya devam etmektedir. Azınlık olarak görülen halkın uluslararası temsili bir sesi veya gücü olmamakla birlikte, itirazlarını da tam olarak ele alan bir sosyal araştırma veya akademik çalışma yapılmamıştır. Literatürdeki bu eksiklik göz önünde bulundurularak, bu çalışma Kıbrıslı Türklerle ilgili İngiliz basınında yer almayan, yansıtılmayan detaylara açıklık getirecektir. Bir başka deyişle, Kıbrıs'ın garantör ülkeleri arasında yer alan ve Kıbrıslı Türklerin kaderinde önemli bir rol oynayan İngiltere'nin, Kıbrıs Türk halkını kendi basınında nasıl temsil ettiği, ne tür bir dil ve söylem kullandığını inceleyecektir. Edward Said'in 'Oryantalizm' ve Robert J.C. Young'ın 'Beyaz Mitoloji' konulu kuramsal çalışmalarında yola çıkarak, Nisan 1999 ile Nisan 2004 yıllarını kapsayan 5 yıllık sürede, beş İngiliz gazetesinde Kıbrıslı Türkleri ve Kıbrıs meselesini konu alan 45 haber incelenmiştir. Bu dönem siyasi konuşmaların en sık yapıldığı döneme rastlamaktadır. Seçilen haberlere hem nitel içerik analizi hem de eleştirel söylem analizi uygulanarak, İngiliz basının Kıbrıslı Türkleri nasıl tanımladığı araştırılmıştır. "Kendim" ve "Ötekileri" kavramlarından ilham alan araştırma analizinden temelde iki sonuç ortaya çıkmıştır: Öncelikle Kıbrıs Türk halkı oryantal bir bakış açısıyla İngiliz basını tarafından ötekileştirilmiştir. Bir başka deyişle, Kuzey Kıbrıs'ta yaşayan Türkler ekonomik ve sosyal olarak, Kıbrıslı Rumlara kıyasla, küçümseyici bir şekilde alt sınıfa ait bir halk olarak yansıtılmıştır. İkinci olarak, tarihi bilgi vi eksikliği ve 'istila', 'ayrılık' ve 'işgal edilmiş' gibi terimler İngiliz basınında sıklıkla kullanılmış, böylelikle Kıbrıs meseleleri hakkında yanlış bir izlenim ve algı oluşmasına yol açmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Eleştirel Söylem Analizi, Nitel içerik analizi, Kıbrıs meselesi, Oryantalizm, Temsil, Kıbrıslı Türkler, Beyaz Mitoloji ; Master of Arts in Communication and Media Studies. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Communication, Dept. of Communication and Media Studies, 2019. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Nilüfer Türksoy.
Congreso organizado por la Asociación científica Icono 14, Universidad Complutense de Madrid y la Universidad Rey Juan Carlos. Facultad de Ciencias de la Información de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. 13, 14 y 15 de enero de 2016. ; El arte urbano o Street art no se limita solo al concepto de grafiti, sino que hace referencia a una amplia variedad de muestras de arte que se pueden encontrar en las calles de todas las ciudades del mundo. En muchas ocasiones, este tipo de manifestaciones va más allá de la expresión exclusivamente estética o personal, albergando un contenido religioso, político, ideológico o publicitario. Los medios de comunicación influyen en la consideración social de de estas iniciativas, que son vandalismo para unas personas, mientras que para otras adquieren el mayor reconocimiento por su valor artístico. Enmarcado en el análisis de contenido periodístico, en este texto se exponen los principales resultados del estudio del tratamiento mediático de la intervención "Madrid, te comería a versos", desarrollada por el colectivo BoaMistura en Madrid y Barcelona durante el mes de octubre de 2014. Para ello, se han tenido en cuenta prioritariamente los medios digitales, dada la mayor repercusión de este evento en la Red. Se trata, en resumen, de una aportación analítica en torno al reflejo que tienen en prensa las manifestaciones artísticas que emanan de determinados movimientos urbanos contemporáneos, convirtiendo la ciudad en el escenario de procesos creativos y artísticos. ; Street art is not just the concept of graffiti but it also makes reference to a extended variety of art exhibitions that can be found in the streets worldwide. In multiple opportunities, these kinds of demonstration go beyond the exclusively aesthetic or personal expression, accommodating a religious, politic, ideological or advertising content. The media affect in this kind of initiatives social consideration, which are vandalism for some, while for others they acquire greater recognition for their artistic value. According to the analysis methodology of journalistic content, this paper contains the results of the analysis of the media treatment of "Madrid, te comería a versos". It was an intervention developed by the group BoaMistura in Madrid and Barcelona during October 2014. To make this work, we have considered as a priority digital media, given the greater impact of this event on the Internet. It is, in summary, an analytical contribution on the reflection they have on media about artistic expressions emanating from certain contemporary urban movements, turning the city into the stage of creative and artistic processes.
Since covid-19 has become pandemic, an abundance of coronavirus news fills the mass media throughout the world. The pandemic is constructed verbally from various perspectives for many purposes. In Indonesia, the discourse of the pandemic is not only about the disease, but also about other social issues related to the pandemic. Through certain discourses, the text producers may present various meanings. This study purposes to uncover social meanings presented in the discourses constructed by the mass media regarding the Indonesian government policies to cut the Covid-19 pandemic. Using a critical discourse analysis approach, the researchers analyze clauses containing three terms: Isolasi Mandiri, PSBB, and local lockdown from 28 downloaded texts. The focus of analysis is on the selection of lexico-grammar used to represent the policies to cut the chain of the pandemic. The result shows that there are three patterns in positioning participants regarding who has to take the responsibility for the implementation of the policies. The discourse about Isolasi Mandiri position residents as a party who has to be responsible and the government was positioned as the controller. The discourse of PSBB has positioned the government as a party that conducts and controls the implementation of the policies. The discourse of local lockdown represented that the policy was only as planning urged by the NGO and has not been conducted by the government. The context influencing the discourse is the socio-economic context. The discourses also show that the way media represented the policies is in line with the government agenda.
This study covers EU perceptions by different groups of Kazakhstani elites. The significance of the research is supported by the growing cooperation of Kazakhstan and the EU (for example, the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, 2015). Furthermore, the Kazakhstani perceptions of the EU are recognized understudied. Simultaneously, some controversy can be observed between the alleged and the real perception of the EU abroad. Methodologically, in order to study elite perceptions, the thesis consists of two levels of analysis. First, the study relies on qualitative content analysis (QCA) of the mass media articles, namely, Kazakhstanskaya Pravda and Tengrinews portal, with 86 articles in total published during the 2015-2017 period. Second, with the help of QCA it reflects on the author-conducted interviews with media and business elites, civil society and experts/ academics in October-December 2017. According to my analysis, the EU-Kazakhstan relations are perceived positively by both different parts of the Kazakhstani elite and different sources of data, namely, the mass media and the author-conducted interviews. The perception of the EU as a normative power is quite ambiguous while the image of the EU as an economic power is prominent. This topic should be included into the further studies to enhance mutual understanding and cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU. The results may help IR scholars, policymakers as well as general public to broaden the horizon of the understanding of the EU international identity.
