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In this article, the cognitive principles of prioritizing the media, the media - the institutions that collect all the information about what is happening, process it, and provide it to the public as news, sometimes referred to as media communications, and similar information is discussed. In particular, ensuring freedom of information and speech, liberalization of this area has been identified as an important priority in building a democratic, legal state and a strong civil society in Uzbekistan. In 1991, there were 395 media outlets in Uzbekistan, but today their number has reached 1,437.

The end of the Cold War represented an apparent victory for NATO, capitalism, free enterprise, and democracy over the Warsaw Pact, Marxism-Leninist communism, and the Russian-Soviet empire. In 1991, five newly independent republics of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan) emerged from the wreckage of that watershed event. Each new government proclaimed its commitment to free enterprise economic systems and democratic governance. Western democracies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and human rights groups lauded that commitment to democratic mass media systems as stabilizing, modernizing, and nation-building tools. Unfortunately, significant obstacles remain to functional and effective press systems able to maintain economic, editorial, and political autonomy. Because Russian and Soviet-era press conventions still strongly influence the press in Central Asia, this article begins with a brief overview of the Russian colonial and czarist press system from the 1860s to the Russian Revolution of 1917. It then presents a brief history of press controls under the Soviet Union. Thus, forms of Russian domination of Central Asian journalism persisted for almost 130 years, leaving deeply entrenched czarist-Soviet press methods, controls, and traditions. The study then summarizes significant arenas of contemporary research on Central Asian mass media, including detailed evidence of the complexity, diversity, and depth of barriers to free and effective press systems. It establishes that imposed Soviet-era journalism philosophy and practices remain much of the foundation for current professional ideology. Although there were some positive aspects to the Soviet press system, inherited professional habits, conventions, ideology, and socialist economics still obstruct adoption of aspects of Western models hallmarked by independent journalism and advocacy of a more operative form of social responsibility to audiences. The article then outlines the conflict between external and internal pressures to establish free and democratic press systems where regimes actively resist such efforts. That resistance includes formal and informal policies of censorship and repression that restrain journalists and the mass media they serve. Despite outside efforts to promote democratization of the press, these repressitarian governments remain highly authoritarian and exert varying but high degrees of direct and indirect censorship and content control. Among them are onerous libel laws, fabricated criminal charges against journalists, unfair tax audits, license terminations, and pressure on advertisers and printing houses when media content is deemed overly critical and adversarial. Recent murders of journalists further chill independent reporting. This synthesized examination of recent mass media research makes clear that five separate systems have replaced the unitary Soviet one, but with such shared attributes as official or quasi-official censorship; self-censorship; lack of free-market sustainability; constraints on independence and professionalism; and a press ideology that values service to the state above independence, fairness, balance, and accuracy. Distinctions among the systems include the presence or absence of independent and opposition media outlets; degrees of public access to the Internet and foreign media; and availability of university and professional education and training. Collectively, this research illustrates the limited success of external forces in furthering media pluralism. Those forces are foreign governments and multi-governmental entities, international media-building and civil society-building NGOs, Western journalism trainers and professors, and foreign media outlets that disseminate print, broadcast, and Internet content. In addition, these studies summarized demonstrate how regimes and elites use—and abuse—the law to control news and information about public affairs, controversy, and public issues and how they disregard constitutional and statutory assurances of press freedom. Democratization of the press will also require changing journalists' widely accepted role as acquiescent or reluctant—let alone enthusiastic—apparatuses of the state. The impetus and energy for developing free press systems in Central Asia are primarily external. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, the region has been under pressure, mostly from the United States and Western Europe, to create and sustain "free press" systems essential to civil society. To a great extent, such external advocacy manifested the neo-conservative U.S. foreign policy ideology promulgated by former President George W. Bush and his advisors. Their interest was to democratize authoritarian nations when politically and economically expedient, as in oiland mineral-rich Central Asia. Intensive Western efforts to encourage marketor advertising-supported media in former communist nations generally succeeded in Eastern and Central Europe. Such efforts failed in Central Asia, where media generally lack mass audiences and economic resources to attract advertisers and support the free market concept of news as a commodity. Supporters and funders of democratic press projects in the region include the Council for the International Exchange of Scholars; British Broadcasting Corporation; Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; Civic Education Project (Soros Foundation); International Research and Exchanges Board; Cable News Network; Freedom House; Internews; and the International Center for Journalists. Other NGOs, such as the Committee to Protect Journalists, Amnesty International, International PEN, Reporters Sans Frontières, and Human Rights Watch do not directly engage in journalism education and training but monitor press freedom and advocate against harsh restraints. Some regimes recognize advantages of modernizing media content, even while controlling it, by allowing journalists to learn Western news writing and reporting styles and conventions. Professional writing and reporting skills are useful to journalists, even if they are not permitted to report in an unfettered manner, and to propagandists. Western educators have taught in otherwise tightly controlled newsrooms and universities because of donor nation and funder pressure; allowing democratic journalism trainings to take place presents at least a façade of a commitment to free press systems. Yet it remains relatively easy for authorities to censor media content that is too reflective of Western news values and reporting conventions. That is particularly true if content criticizes the regime or other powerful interests. Journalists are often punished for stories they print or broadcast. Not surprisingly, self-censorship remains a domineering force, even in the absence of official censorship. We now discuss the Soviet colonial period and its influence on contemporary Central Asian media.

Nowadays, governments, educational institutions, non-governmental organizations, the private economy and each individual make an effort to integrate the idea of sustainable development in all areas of the educational system. Specific skills and knowledge that we gain as children and teenagers in the family, at school, in training or university will not last for a lifetime. Humanity is programmed to survive. In this context the term 'programmed' does not mean the same thing that we use in the computer sciences. Herein, we are dealing with emotional tangle and the continuing struggle to find ourselves. In this way we discovered education as a process. The purpose of practicing this process is that the personal development of an individual can be organized by certain rules. However, the formality enters the function to some extent and we also know that man is inclined to lay in his use of free will. So now we have reached to a new discovery, which is appointed as informal education. This paper, first of all encompasses this form, but also skewed approach to public relations and prospects is also different from those which have been hitherto. First, we will discuss what PR is. Further, we will elaborate education as a process; moreover, we will see how it can be split any further. Hence, history encompasses a factual situation. Lastly, it will be given the interconnection among PR, mass media and informal education.

This paper studies knowledge organization (KO) in media archives, focusing on the presence of subjectivity in the core tasks of mass media knowledge organizers (MKOS) dealing with press, radio and TV records, such as classification, representation, and any other process related to content analysis and organization in news information systems. Far from rejecting subjectivity and ideological bias in these operations - since they coparticipate in the media construction of reality—the authors consider MKOS to be genuine ideological and cultural mediators with the right and social responsibility to explicitly state the results of their "objectifiable" work (obtained through KO protocols and procedures determined by the media/company, classifications, thesauri, ontologies, etc.) and differentiate them from those of their political, ideological, cultural and, in sum, subjective stances. In order to achieve this, we propose the application of critical operators that should be followed by technical, collaborative and even technological actions geared to investing information systems with the capacity to consider those stances and allowing users to distinguish them. In short, it is the theoretical recognition of the subjective and biased presence of media knowledge organization operators in a job that is usually considered neutral, banal and even objective, and the initial development of tools for critical, self-critical, technical, and technological training keyed to its practical solution. This paper outlines the lines of work of a broader research study on the critical function of KO in the field of global media memory.

This article aims to solve the following scientific problem: to study the ways of interaction between mass media, audience and authorities used in regional practice. The relevance and scientific significance of solving the above-mentioned problem lies in the fact that modern mass media exist in a dynamically changing social space. The main objective is to determine how fully events of the political and public life of a country or region are reflected in the daily practice of regional mass media. Based on the analysis of print media, the authors of the article consider the authenticity, completeness and objectivity of the information worldview created by journalists of the Arkhangelsk Region. The contractual mechanism of information services used by authorities forces journalists to resort to self-censorship and non-disclosure of socially important information, which leads to the creation of media myths and the loss of professionalism, as well as changes essential characteristics of journalism. It is indicated that it is much more dangerous for this profession to consciously distort the reflected reality by emphasizing some events or certain aspects of the displayed phenomena and concealing others, i.e. manipulating mass consciousness through non-disclosure. Non-disclosure not only erases, destroys and eliminates facts, but also creates a mythical, distorted and unreliable information worldview.

This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties' electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party's future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this "mediation assumption" empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties' electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties' electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties' issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition. ; Dissertationsschrift / PhD Thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2017 ; Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb. ; This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties' electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party's future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this "mediation assumption" empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties' electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties' electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties' issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

El presente artículo se propone un análisis histórico, desde lateoría clásica, de la relación entre poder y comunicación. El abordaje tieneen cuenta los orígenes del poder y su mutación a través de los tiempos,hasta tornarse capitalismo y cómo la razón, la ciencia, la técnica, sonpuestas al servicio de una clase dominante a la vez que la comunicaciónofrece la falsa noción de consenso democrático. Se evidencia la necesidadde lograr verdaderos actos comunicativos que contribuyan a un consensoreal y una mayor democracia en la construcción de los sentidos.The present article proposes a historic analysis, from the classicaltheory, of the relationship between power and communication. Theanalysis takes into account the origins of power and its mutation throughtimes, to become capitalism, as well as how the reason, science andtechnique, are at the service of a dominant class when communicationoffers the false notion of democratic consent. The need to achieve truecommunicative acts that contribute to a real consensus and a biggerdemocracy in the construction of the senses becomes evident.

This text presents the results of an analysis on the coverage of migration issues by the Russian mass media. The author comes to the conclusion that migration policy is examined by the Russian mass media within the context of domestic political confrontation, and that the political orientation of a publication predetermines its approach to the coverage of migration issues. In the majority of articles, an emotional description of migration issues and the construction of a negative perception of migrants by public opinion are prevalent. Mass media relay stereotypes of the public conscience with its rooted xenophobic moods. In the Russian information space, alarmist moods are dominant, transforming the discussion of migration issues into a discourse of crisis and a discourse of trauma. ; Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM-East) is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union

The article is devoted to the characterization of the state, the key features and trends of modern domestic regional mass media. There are determined and specified informational, social, ideological, political and economic objectives of current regional mass media also revealed specific features of regional mass communication.

This research deals with euphemism which is found in political news in Republika mass media. The objectives of this were: (1) to investigate the types of euphemism used in political news in online mass media, (2) to describe the realization of euphemism in political news in mass media and (3) to explain the reason for realization of euphemism in political news in mass media. The research design of this study was descriptive qualitative research where the researcher explained the result of research by describing the data gained. There were 26 news with different titles with 54 euphemism. There were ten types of euphemism found in political news in Republika online mass media, namely indirection 31.4 %, abstraction 12.9 %, agreement 11.1%, remodeling 9.2%, semantic shift 9.2%, emotive 7.4%, understatement 5.5%, widening 5.5%, borrowing 3.7%, circumlocution 3.7%. Furthermore there were four ways of euphemism realized namely, implicit, explicit, direct, and indirect. Then there were five reasons using the euphemism found in political news in Republika, namely to cohesive, to protective, to underhand, to uplifting, and to ludic. The most reason using euphemism is to cohesive.Keywords: Euphemism, Political News, Republika Mass Media

This paper uses communicative-pragmatic analysis and a corpus-based method to investigate multidimensional axiological interpretation of Europäische Identität notion as a unifying political concept. The study focuses on European identity discourse as presented in German mass media. The study shows strategic relevance of the concept and its unifying potential both within the EU framework, and in wider European domain. The analysis reveals that primary and secondary collocators actualized with the notion convey both the topicality and inconsistency of the concept. Moreover, the results show that identity and personal / collective self-determination discourse is characterized by polemic nature and various evaluations that predominantly feature the tactics of doubt and mistrust to the unifying potential of European identity concept.

This paper uses communicative-pragmatic analysis and a corpus-based method to investigate multidimensional axiological interpretation of Europäische Identität notion as a unifying political concept. The study focuses on European identity discourse as presented in German mass media. The study shows strategic relevance of the concept and its unifying potential both within the EU framework, and in wider European domain. The analysis reveals that primary and secondary collocators actualized with the notion convey both the topicality and inconsistency of the concept. Moreover, the results show that identity and personal / collective self-determination discourse is characterized by polemic nature and various evaluations that predominantly feature the tactics of doubt and mistrust to the unifying potential of European identity concept.

Mass media plays a crucial role in infirmation distribution and thus in the political market and public policy making. Theory predicts that infirmation provided by mass media reflects the media's incentives to provide news to different types of groups in society, and affects these groups?influence in policy-making. We use data on agricultural policy from 60 countries, spanning a wide range of development stages and media markets, to test these predictions. We find that, in line with theoretical predictions, public support to agriculture is strongly affected by the structure of the mass media. In particular, a greater role of the private mass media in society is associated with policies which benefit the majority more: it reduces taxation of agriculture in poor countries and reduces subsidization of agriculture in rich countries, ceteris paribus. The evidence is also consistent with the hypothesis that increased competition in commercial media reduces transfers to special interest groups and contributes to more efficient public policies.

Una de las características de la era digital más aceptada en términos generales la "democratización masiva" por el amplio acceso a los "mass media". Sin embargo, no existe una relación directa entre la apropiación tecnológica y la calidad de la noticia. Los medios de comunicación trabajan con la información, entendida ésta como un bien público al que la ciudadanía puede y debe acceder en miras a poder estar informado sobre lo que acontece a su alrededor. Expresarse libremente y estar bien informados constituyen doscondiciones esenciales de la democracia. Sin embargo los medios de comunicación producen las noticias que transmiten. Los medios son emisores además de transmisores de noticias que lejos están de ser neutrales y absolutas. Nos resta preguntarnos cómo es posible convertir a los dispositivos tecnológicos en herramientaspara lograr el empoderamiento de la información en las ciberdemocracias del siglo XXI. Recuperar el sentido de la acción ayudados por los mecanismos tecnológicos. La propia construcción a partir del inacabable proceso de de-construcción permite asegurarnos el imperio de la heterogeneidad; de la multiplicidad, por encima del discurso hegemónico y dominante ; "Mass democratization" is one of the characteristics of the digital age more accepted in general terms by the wide access to the "mass media". However, there is no direct relationship between technological appropriation and news quality. Media works with information, understood as a public good that citizens can and should be able to access in order to be informed about what is happening around them. Express themselves freely and be well informed are two essential conditions of democracy. But the mediaproduce news they transmit. Media are senders and transmitters of news that are far from beingneutral and absolute. It remains to ask how it culd be possible to transform technological devices as tools for the empowerment of the information in the XXI century ciber-democracies. Recover the sense ofaction aided by technological devices. The ...