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Publication of a conference held at AZAD Centre, Sliema, on February 17, 1978. ; Among the new States, Malta has one of the longest, almost uninterrupted traditions of press freedom and, for her size, is lucky to have had a variety of newspaper opinion. It was two well-known British liberals, John Austin and George Cornwall Lewis, who responding to appeals by the Maltese leader Giorgio Mitrovich, strongly recommended the grant of press freedom to the colony. That was in 1838, when the first papers and periodicals began to be published. Before that time we can hardly say that there was a journalistic tradition at all. The Order of st. John had a printing press in the eighteenth century, but this was mainly for official works. Besides, censorship always hung over Malta's head: in the mid-seventeenth century the Grand Master had opted to close a printing press instead of having to put up with interference from the Pope and Inquisitor who insisted on nihil obstat rights in any printed matter associated with religion or the church. During the brief period of French rule over Malta, from 1798 to 1800, a vaguely Bonapartist paper, Le Journal de Malte, was published; but again this was an official gazette rather than a newspaper. It was all 'liberty, equality and fraternity'; and woe to anybody who disagreed. The same style of paper, a government gazette, continued to be published in the first decades of British rule, first in Italian only, and subsequently in Italian and English until in the early twentieth century Maltese too made an appearance in it. Apart from this, in the period before 1838, very few people managed to get anything controversial printed. One was an Italian refugee; the others were Protestant missionaries. Otherwise the only way to get printed matter distributed in Malta was to have it printed in Italy or elsewhere outside the Island, at least until 1839. ; peer-reviewed

Today's free market of industry mass media isn't quite the same as the laissez-faire approach of the robber barons of the nineteenth century because it now often is noteworthy for effi cient use of the government's powers to support the strategies and profi ts media business. Even if public resources – such as the national forests – are thereby harmed. Given both the need for equity of access and the lack of acceptable spectacles alternatives, there seems to be no viable alternative to the mass media taking on this responsibility as fully as is necessary. Such an ethical obligation clearly stems from both the utilitarian concern for providing the greatest benefi t for the greatest number of people and emphasis on protecting the most vulnerable members of the community. It can also be argue cogently that if social responsibility means anything at all, it means fi nding a way to avoid creating a clearly defi ned group of second-class citizen in an information industry media.

Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; "June 1977." ; At head of title: 95th Congress, 1st session. Committee print. ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 77 S382-17 ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Published also as a government report, available through National Technical Information Service, NTIS accession no. PB252387/AS. ; Department of Fluid, Thermal and Aerospace Sciences report FTAS/TR-75-117. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 5

This paper unveils the framing of female politicians in local newspapers published by Lombok Post, and relates to the cognition of journalists and the sociopolitical reality in the province of NTB. Anchored in the model of sociocognitive critical discourse analysis, this study discovered that the positive framing of female politicians in the newspaper was not inseparable from the provision of cordial relation between the journalist and female politician. The affirmative contents and cognition of the journalist regarding the female politicians were relevant to the sociopolitical context of the region depleted with the political racial identity and gender awareness of the community. Drawing on the empirical evidence, the domination of men in the editorial board of the mass media did not contribute to the presence of patriarchal news production in that good media relation built by the female politicians instead did minimize the news production policy that may be gender bias. This study demonstrates the importance of interpersonal communication competence and the maintenance of harmonious relation with the media and people for the sake of sustaining the positive image of female politicians constructed by mass media.

The Press, Atlantic Union and World Peace -- In Italy: The World is Complicated -- In Austria: The Press Walks a Tightrope -- Kekkonen and the Finnish Press -- In West Germany: The Media Are Uneasy -- Greece: The Image and the Fact -- Press and Politics in Argentina -- How Asians see India -- In Bangkok: The Antennae Are Up -- The Literature of Foreign Journalism

43 Studenten beurteilten anhand eines semantischen Differentials die vier Vorsitzenden der im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien und anschließend die Überzeugungskraft ihrer Argumente in einem audiovisuell, akustisch oder schriftlich dargebotenen Streitgespräch. Erwartungsgemäß werden die Argumente bei audiovisueller und akustischer Präsentation von Gegnern negativer, von Sympathisanten positiver bewertet als bei schriftlicher Darbietung. Dies wird mit medienspezifischer Aktivierung zu erklären versucht. ; 43 students evaluated the chairmen of the four parties represented in the Bundestag. The evaluation was based on a semantic differential scale. Afterwards, the persuasive power of their arguments was evaluated in an audiovisual, acoustical or written debate. As expected, the arguments were valued more negatively by opponents, and more positively by sympathizers in the audiovisual and acoustic presentation than in the written presentation. An attempted explanation is based on mediaspecific activation.

mass media news is essentially the construction of events by the mass media reality of what happened. The ability to construct this discourse will greatly affect the opinions, decisions and political attitudes readers. The whole process of production, distribution and consumption of communication message is the result of the interaction of the actors, consumers and distributors of communications. Interaction is what will inevitably put the communication process within the framework of human action. Where the action is good, where bad behavior. That is the main point of the ethical issues. Thus, the question raised is how the Ethics Democratic Political Coverage by Metro TV and TVOne station. This is because the Democratic Party on February 23, 2012 report on Metro TV and TVOne to the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) for allegedly unbalanced coverage.

Contents: 1. Aims of Research -- 2. Lines of Research on Mass Media in Developing Countries with Special Regard to the State of the African Press -- 3. History and Tradition of the African Press - an Outline -- 4. African Press and News Agencies -- 5. The Attitude of African Countries Towards the Nigerian conflict -- 6. The Nigerian Civil War and the Press of Five African Countries

Report: 66 p., digital file ; The urban environment has technology, talent, resources, interested and involved citizens and policy-makers. It does not however have much citizen involvement in public policy-making nor does it have much two-way communication between the different sectors of the environment. In order for people and governments to survive in an ever increasingly complex environment, two-way communication on vital matters becomes a necessity. To effect such a two-way system requires little more than the conscious decision to use the existing technology to serve the public interest by expanding the flows of information and giving citizens access to the media. The need for this type of system has become obvious to people all across Canada, and all across Canada people have been attempting to create their own little public communication systems. The following reports are sketches of the type of attempts being made in urban centers across Canada and the directions that they are going in, and include recommendations as to how an urban forum system, involving two-way communication between people and various levels of government might be instituted.

Report: 10 p., digital file ; The objective of this project will be to design, establish and implement a system of two-way information flow to enable policymakers in government to understand the perceptions and reactions of people on a range of policy proposals and programs, to provide, through improved information, greater use and effectiveness of government programs,to transmit needs and concerns of people in their efforts to cope with a changing urban environment. Built into this system will be mechanisms to ensure co-operation between the different jurisdictions of government and a means of developing consultation. It is felt that the urban forum concept properly designed and implemented would lead to more effective programs and policies by means of greater citizen, group and tri-level involvement, in the formulation and acceptance of programs and policies.

The Ciskei was gradually 'consolidated' by a process of geo-political gerrymandering that included the incorporation of black dormitory townships dependent on 'white' cities outside the homeland for survival. By 1973, the Ciskei homeland's de facto population was estimated at 602 000.4 Since then, the overcrowded rural population has been forced to absorb thousands of refugees removed from South Africa's 'white' areas — including several 'black spots' now outside the boundaries of the homeland — and migrants from two districts (Herschel and Glen Grey) formerly in the Ciskei which were ceded by the South African government to Transkei. Any attempt at measuring the extent to which communication affects the political credibility of the present Ciskei homeland in the eyes of its inhabitants must be weighed against these historical realities. This monograph is divided into three parts: 1. An outline of the political system in the Ciskei. 2. The role of the mass media in determining attitudes towards homeland news. 3. Some observations on the status accorded oral channels of communication in the transmission and validation of political news in selected rural and urban areas of the Ciskei. In obtaining data for this study, five surveys were conducted in two rural villages, the biggest urban area in the Ciskei and the Ciskei Legislative Assembly. The villages of Gobozana (or Xengxe) and Nyaniso formed the basis of the rural surveys conducted in April — June 1976. Fifty heads of homesteads in each village, in a universe of about 500 homesteads, were selected at random. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

SIM ECO SOC, Simulated Economic Societies, is a non-computerized simulation which replicates a mass, modern, industrialized society existing, sequentially, under three economic systems-- mixed, collective, and free market. Included in the model are farms, big and small businesses, advertising agencies, insurance agencies, a labor union, a government, two political parties, law enforcement officers, a charity organization, a hospital, and the mass media. Also part of the game's design are modern societal problems, such as drug abuse, crime, poverty, malnutrition, and social protest movements.

As the Eighteenth Dail's life drew to a close, a major change in Irish political life was anticipated. The expectations were not confined to the national mass media, although the subsequent results tempted some politicians to suggest that the closed world of television, radio and national press had misread the mood of the nation. At the local level too, throughout the campaign, newspapers spoke of the 'Strong Desire for Change'1 and saw the contest as the promise of 'one of the great watersheds in Irish political history.'

The inherent difficulties in the process of tolerably democratic political communication are aggravated in the area by peculiar and decisive structural factors. The current situation in Latin America, not only with respect to political communication but also politics in general, does not seem very favorable for transformations to occur in the current scenario. Outside of a few governments with moderately democratic bases, the rest (the vast majority of countries) are affected by notable restrictions on freedom of information and the distribution of news, and more specifically those with political content. And while the problem of political communication in Latin America has a more political than technological character in terms of its eventual solutions, it also encounters material and technical difficulties that are almost insurmountable in the short term. ; Las dificultades inherentes al proceso de una comunicación política tolerablemente democrática se agravan en el área por factores estructurales peculiares y decisivos. La situación actual de América Latina, no solo con respecto a la comunicación política sino a la política en general, no parece muy favorable a que ocurran transformaciones en el escenario actual. Fuera de unos pocos gobiernos con bases medianamente democráticas, el resto (la gran mayoría de los países) se encuentra afectado por notables restricciones a la libertad de información y de difusión de noticias, y más concretamente de aquellas con contenido político. Y si bien el problema de la comunicación política en América Latina tiene un carácter más político que tecnológico en cuanto a sus eventuales soluciones, tropieza además con dificultades materiales y técnicas casi insuperables a corto plazo.