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The topic of this scientific work is social masses and the mass society. The subject of research will be reduced to the definition of the notions of "social mass" and "mass society" and finding similarities and differences between them. The author starts from the initial assumption that social masses and mass societies are two similar, but also quite different notions. The following methods were used in the paper: observation, content analysis, developmental method, structural approach, comparative method, analytical approach etc. The scientific justification of the research derives from the establishment of similarities and differences between these two notions, which makes a significant contribution to the construction of the Sociology of the Masses as one of the scientific disciplines of Sociology. The social reach of the research is founded on questioning social masses and the power of the impact of the mass society on contemporary social trends.

Translated articles published in the NEW MASSES and titled "¿Es el petróleo más denso que la sangre?" y "El petróleo para uno y uno para el petróleo" [Is Oil denser than blood? and Oil to One and One to Oil]. The latter article was written by Howard Brubaker arguing the evident oil interests above the interests of the nation and the American imperialist trends in Nicaragua. / Traducciones de artículos publicados en el NEW MASSES intitulados "¿Es el petróleo más denso que la sangre?" y "El petróleo para uno y uno para el petróleo", este último de Howard Brubaker, en los que se argumenta la preeminencia de los intereses petroleros por sobre los intereses de una nación y sobre las tendencias imperialistas norteamericanas en Nicaragua.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

Justin Gest's book demonstrates how to communicate research effectively. This item is a review of his book.

JEL code: C72, D74.-- Trabajo presentado a: "Conflict and Cooperation Conference" celebrada en USA en 2011; "APET 2011 - Association for Public Economy Theory" celebrado en Tailandia; "Political Economy and Development" celbrado en Francia en 2010; "1st Zurich Workshop on the Economics of Conflict" celebrado en Suiza en 2010; "MOVE - Urrutia Elejalde Workshop on Information, Dynamics and Political Decisions Making" celebrado en España en 2010. ; Since World War II there have been about fifty episodes of large-scale mass killings of civilians and massive forced displacements. They were usually meticulously planned and independent of military goals. We provide a model where conflict onset, conflict intensity and the decision to commit mass killings are all endogenous, with two main goals: (1) to identify the key variables and situations that make mass killings more likely to occur; and (2) to distinguish conditions under which mass killings and military conflict intensity reinforce each other from situations where they are substitute modes of strategic violence. We predict that mass killings are most likely in societies with large natural resources, significant proportionality constraints for rent sharing, low productivity and low state capacity. Further, massacres are more likely in a civil than in an interstate war, as in the latter group sizes matter less for future rents. In non polarized societies there are asymmetric equilibria with only the larger group wanting to engage in massacres. In such settings the smaller group compensates for this by fighting harder in the first place. In this case we can talk of mass killings and fighting efforts to be substitutes. In contrast, in polarized societies either both or none of the groups can be ready to do mass killings in case of victory. Under the "shadow of mass killings" groups fight harder. Hence, in this case massacres and fighting are complements. We also present novel empirical results on the role of natural resources in mass killings and on what kinds of ethnic groups are most likely to be victimized in massacres and forced resettlements, using group level panel data. ; Financial support from the AXA Research Fund and from the Spanish Government CICYT project n. SEJ2006-00369.S ; Peer reviewed

Since World War II there have been about fifty episodes of large-scale mass killings of civilians and massive forced displacements. They were usually meticulously planned and independent of military goals. We provide a model where conflict onset, conflict intensity and the decision to commit mass killings are all endogenous, with two main goals: (1) to identify the key variables and situations that make mass killings more likely to occur; and (2) to distinguish conditions under which mass killings and military conflict intensity reinforce each other from situations where they are substitute modes of strategic violence. We predict that mass killings are most likely in societies with large natural resources, significant proportionality constraints for rent sharing, low productivity and low state capacity. Further, massacres are more likely in a civil than in an interstate war, as in the latter group sizes matter less for future rents. In non polarized societies there are asymmetric equilibria with only the larger group wanting to engage in massacres. In such settings the smaller group compensates for this by fighting harder in the first place. In this case we can talk of mass killings and fighting efforts to be substitutes. In contrast, in polarized societies either both or none of the groups can be ready to do mass killings in case of victory. Under the "shadow of mass killings" groups fight harder. Hence, in this case massacres and fighting are complements. We also present novel empirical results on the role of natural resources in mass killings and on what kinds of ethnic groups are most likely to be victimized in massacres and forced resettlements, using group level panel data.

Michael Gamper ; Inhaltstext ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Klappentext ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2007.2428

Unanimously the international research recognizes the fundamental role of the media in the affirmation of the phenomenon of stalking in the U.S.A., beginning from its same labelling. Star-stalking cases, accomplice the notoriety of the victims, has represented a starting point of the media interest that next has allowed to discover the prevalence of these conducts among the general population. The progressive social visibility of the phenomenon, promoted through the media, has produced the recognition of the stalking as a criminal problem, pushing the common law countries legislators to the creation of specific anti-stalking legislation. The research intends to investigate the role of the Italian media in the process of social and juridical affirmation of stalking, ended with the approval of the DL 23 February 2009 n.11 and the consequent introduction of the article 612-bis c.p. "Atti persecutori". The relationship between stalking and media in Italy, the relevance and the importance of the progressive change of social visibility, considering the particular way of working of the media, has been investigated through the collection and the analysis of the articles published since 1992 to November 2009 on Corriere della Sera, main national diffusion daily paper, and on Quotidiano.net, that brings the news of different local journalistic headings (Resto del Carlino, La Nazione, Il Giorno). The 506 selected articles, 293 published on Corriere della Sera (57,9%) e 213 on Quotidiano.net (42,1%), have globally been submitted to a first level of analysis based on the context of the article, the typology of content, the ability of recognition and the language used to define the behaviors. The second level of analysis has involved only news articles, studied through valutative analysis grids about victims, stalkers, typology of relationship, star-stalking cases and presence of violent behaviors. The typology of article mostly diffused on newspapers results to be the chronicle, that represents the 84,6% of the total. Popular and/or scientific ones represent the 7,7% of the total as medium value of the period, but their diffusion results constant only starting from 2001. The political news are the 5,7% of the total and they are recognisable starting from 2006. The use of the term stalking appears constantly among the media from 2002 with a progressive increasement in the next years (44% in 2007; 52,1% in 2008; 94% in 2009), representing by now the defining term of the phenomenon. Among 449 victims, found from 1992 to 2009, 372 (82,9%) are women. Among 440 stalker, found from 1992 to 2009, 84,3% are men and only 15,7% women. More than half of the stalkers was an ex-partner of the victim (51,2%). The stalker results to be an acquaintance in 24,3% of the cases and a perfect stranger in 24,5%. On 428 chronicle articles selected since 1992 to 2009, more than the half (51,4%) describes stories of stalking connotated by violent behaviors: physical injuries, assaults (also sexual), tempted and consumed homicides. ; La ricerca internazionale concordemente riconosce il ruolo determinante dei media nel percorso di affermazione del fenomeno dello stalking in U.S.A., a partire dal suo stesso "etichettamento". I casi di star-stalking, complice la notorietà delle vittime, hanno rappresentato un iniziale polarizzatore mediatico che ha successivamente permesso la riconoscibilità delle condotte di molestie a danno della popolazione comune. La progressiva visibilità sociale del fenomeno, promossa per via mediale, ha poi determinato il riconoscimento dello stalking quale problematica di rilevanza penale, spingendo il legislatore anglosassone all'emanazione di apposite leggi anti-stalking. Alla luce di queste considerazioni, lo studio qui presentato intende indagare il ruolo dei media italiani nel processo di affermazione sociale e giuridica dello stalking, culminato con l'approvazione del DL 23 febbraio 2009 n.11 e la conseguente introduzione dell'art. 612-bis c.p. "Atti persecutori". Alla luce di queste considerazioni, lo studio qui presentato intende indagare il ruolo dei media italiani nel processo di affermazione sociale e giuridica dello stalking, culminato con l'approvazione del DL 23 febbraio 2009 n.11 e la conseguente introduzione dell'art. 612-bis c.p. "Atti persecutori". Il rapporto tra stalking e mass media in Italia, l'entità e l'importanza del progressivo mutamento della sua osservabilità sociale, anche, e soprattutto, alla luce del peculiare funzionamento dei media è stato indagato mediante la raccolta e l'analisi degli articoli pubblicati dal gennaio 1992 all'aprile 2009 sul Corriere della Sera, principale quotidiano a diffusione nazionale, e su Quotidiano.net, che riporta le notizie di diverse testate giornalistiche a diffusione locale (Resto del Carlino, La Nazione, Il Giorno). I 506 articoli selezionati, 293 pubblicati sul Corriere della Sera (pari al 57,9%) e 213 su Quotidiano.net (pari al 42,1%), sono stati globalmente sottoposti a un primo livello di analisi basato sul contesto dell'articolo, ovvero la tipologia di contenuto, la capacità di riconoscimento e il linguaggio utilizzato per la definizione delle condotte. Il secondo livello di analisi ha coinvolto i soli articoli di cronaca, sottoposti a griglie valutative riguardanti le vittime, gli stalker, la tipologia di relazione intercorrente tra gli stessi, i casi di star-stalking e la ricorrenza di condotte violente. La tipologia di articolo maggiormente diffusa sui quotidiani risulta essere la cronaca, che rappresenta l'84,6% del totale.Gli articoli di tipo divulgativo e/o scientifico rappresentano il 7,7% del totale quale media del periodo, ma la loro diffusione sui quotidiani risulta costante solo a partire dal 2001. Le notizie di tipo politico rappresentano il 5,7% del totale e sono rintracciabili solo a partire dal 2006. L'uso del termine stalking da parte dei media risulta costante a partire dal 2002 con un aumento progressivo negli anni successivi (44% nel 2007; 52,1% nel 2008; 94% nel 2009) tanto da rappresentare, ormai, il termine di riferimento del fenomeno. Su 449 vittime individuate dal 1992 al 2009, ben 372 (pari all'82,9%) sono donne. Su 440 stalker individuati tra il 1992 e il 2009 l'84,3% sono uomini e solo il 15,7% donne. Più della metà degli stalker era un ex-partner della vittima (51,2%). Lo stalker risulta essere un conoscente della vittima nel 24,3% dei casi e un perfetto sconosciuto nel 24,5%. Su 428 articoli di cronaca selezionati dal 1992 al 2009, più della metà (51,4%) riportano vicende di stalking marcatamente connotate da condotte violente: percosse, lesioni personali, aggressioni (anche sessuali), omicidi tentati e consumati.

Successive governments in post-colonial Tunisia have sought to develop mass tourism as an avenue for social and economic development. Political instability and increasing media coverage have more recently led to a dramatic reduction in foreign tourist arrivals. Tunisia provides insights into the intersections of modernity, mass tourism, authoritarianism and terrorism, and in a world marred by terrorist attacks it becomes increasingly important to analyse the specific contexts from which these emerge. This chapter aims to address some of these issues by evaluating mass tourism development in Tunisia, highlighting the social and economic advances Tunisia has achieved, before analysing the situation since the Jasmine revolution of 2011. In order to fully analyse mass tourism in Tunisia, we draw on our own experience, which includes over 30 years of research in Tunisia, and fieldwork carried out shortly after the March 2015 Bardo Museum attack in the capital city Tunis. Finally, the chapter looks towards the future of mass tourism in Tunisia, arguing that while mass tourism has delivered positive advances, if it is to continue to do so the industry must be diversified and adapted to meet new needs. ; archiving of this version allowed by publisher in communication with author H Jeffrey

Publication of a conference held at AZAD Centre, Sliema, on February 17, 1978. ; Among the new States, Malta has one of the longest, almost uninterrupted traditions of press freedom and, for her size, is lucky to have had a variety of newspaper opinion. It was two well-known British liberals, John Austin and George Cornwall Lewis, who responding to appeals by the Maltese leader Giorgio Mitrovich, strongly recommended the grant of press freedom to the colony. That was in 1838, when the first papers and periodicals began to be published. Before that time we can hardly say that there was a journalistic tradition at all. The Order of st. John had a printing press in the eighteenth century, but this was mainly for official works. Besides, censorship always hung over Malta's head: in the mid-seventeenth century the Grand Master had opted to close a printing press instead of having to put up with interference from the Pope and Inquisitor who insisted on nihil obstat rights in any printed matter associated with religion or the church. During the brief period of French rule over Malta, from 1798 to 1800, a vaguely Bonapartist paper, Le Journal de Malte, was published; but again this was an official gazette rather than a newspaper. It was all 'liberty, equality and fraternity'; and woe to anybody who disagreed. The same style of paper, a government gazette, continued to be published in the first decades of British rule, first in Italian only, and subsequently in Italian and English until in the early twentieth century Maltese too made an appearance in it. Apart from this, in the period before 1838, very few people managed to get anything controversial printed. One was an Italian refugee; the others were Protestant missionaries. Otherwise the only way to get printed matter distributed in Malta was to have it printed in Italy or elsewhere outside the Island, at least until 1839. ; peer-reviewed

Since World War II there have been about fifty episodes of large-scale mass killings of civilians and massive forced displacements. They were usually meticulously planned and independent of military goals. We provide a model where conflict onset, conflict intensity and the decision to commit mass killings are all endogenous, with two main goals: (1) to identify the key variables and situations that make mass killings more likely to occur; and (2) to distinguish conditions under which mass killings and military con.ict intensity reinforce each other from situations where they are substitute modes of strategic violence. We predict that mass killings are most likely in societies with large natural resources, signi.cant proportionality constraints for rent sharing, low productivity and low state capacity. Further, massacres are more likely in a civil than in an interstate war, as in the latter group sizes matter less for future rents. In non polarized societies there are asymmetric equilibria with only the larger group wanting to engage in massacres. In such settings the smaller group compensates for this by fighting harder in the first place. In this case we can talk of mass killings and fighting ff¤orts to be substitutes. In contrast, in polarized societies either both or none of the groups can be ready to do mass killings in case of victory. Under the "shadow of mass killings" groups .ght harder. Hence, in this case massacres and fighting are complements. We also present novel empirical results on the role of natural resources in mass killings and on what kinds of ethnic groups are most likely to be victimized in massacres and forced resettlements, using group level panel data.

We provide a model of conflict and mass killing decisions to identify the key variables and situations that make mass killings more likely to occur. We predict that mass killings are most likely in countries with large amounts of natural resource rents, polarization, institutional constraints regarding rent sharing, and low productivity of labor. The role of resources such as oil, gas, and diamonds and other key determinants of mass killings is confirmed by our empirical results based on countrylevel as well as ethnic group–level analysis ; Joan Esteban gratefully acknowledges financial support from the AXA Research Fund and from the Spanish Government Comisión Interministerial de Ciencia y Tecnología project ECO2011-25293. Massimo Morelli gratefully acknowledges financial support by the Program for Economic Research at Columbia University. Dominic Rohner is grateful for the financial support from the Swiss National Science Foundation (ggrant 100014-122636) ; Peer Reviewed

10 páginas, 8 figuras.-- El PDF es la versión pre-print (arXiv:0911.3103v1).-- Trabajo presentado al SUSY09: 7th International Conference on Supersymmetry and the Unification of Fundamental Interactions. ; After summarizing neutrino oscillation results I discuss high and low-scale seesaw mechanisms, with or without supersymmetry, as well as recent attempts to understand the pattern of neutrino mixing from flavor symmetries. I also mention the possibility of intrinsic supersymmetric neutrino masses in the context of broken R parity models, showing how this leads to clear tests at the LHC. ; This work is supported by the Spanish grants FPA2008-00319/FPA and PROMETEO/ 2009/091 and by European Union network UNILHC (PITN-GA-2009-237920). ; Peer reviewed

Since World War II there have been about fifty episodes of large-scale mass killings of civilians and massive forced displacements. They were usually meticulously planned and independent of military goals. We provide a model where conflict onset, conflict intensity and the decision to commit mass killings are all endogenous, with two main goals: (1) to identify the key variables and situations that make mass killings more likely to occur; and (2) to distinguish conditions under which mass killings and military conflict intensity reinforce each other from situations where they are substitute modes of strategic violence. We predict that mass killings are most likely in societies with large natural resources, significant proportionality constraints for rent sharing, low productivity and low state capacity. Further, massacres are more likely in a civil than in an interstate war, as in the latter group sizes matter less for future rents. In non polarized societies there are asymmetric equilibria with only the larger group wanting to engage in massacres. In such settings the smaller group compensates for this by fighting harder in the first place. In this case we can talk of mass killings and fighting efforts to be substitutes. In contrast, in polarized societies either both or none of the groups can be ready to do mass killings in case of victory. Under the "shadow of mass killings" groups fight harder. Hence, in this case massacres and fighting are complements. We also present novel empirical results on the role of natural resources in mass killings and on what kinds of ethnic groups are most likely to be victimized in massacres and forced resettlements, using group level panel data.

Actuality. Mass holidays, as a complex phenomenon, involves reflection of the life traditions in society, the position of the people in terms of faith in the ideals. That is why in Ukraine, the qualitative growth of interest in mass actions, including as an instrument in public administration, is clearly outlined. This confirms their role and influence on the formation of national culture and determines the relevance of the study of the process of their organization. Purpose and methods. An article devoted to the study of the process of organizing mass celebrations as an important socio-cultural factor that influences the formation of national culture. The study used empirical and systematic approaches, according to which the processes of organization of mass celebrations being carried out now are analyzed in the interconnection and development. Methods of analysis and synthesis are also used. Results. During the analysis of the organization of mass holidays, it was determined that the democratic nature of mass holidays corresponds to all the signs of the existing system of governance in the country. It is substantiated that the general dominant atmosphere is a direct and important element of a mass event. Therefore, the organization of a mass holiday, as a means of asserting the position of the people or power, implies the exercise of educational influence, which manifests itself when certain ideas and principles become their own national and correspond to the realities of life. Conclusions and discussion. The scientific novelty of the results obtained is to determine the peculiarities of organizing a mass holiday as a special type of manifestation of the cultural existence of society, which reflects the principles of real life, and captures and further develops the cultural heritage of the people. The use of the proposed approaches will allow organizing mass celebrations aimed at popularizing and preserving the cultural identity of the country's population.