The article analyzes the intelectual and institutional history of communication and media studies in Croatia using a mixed methods approach. Content analysis of articles dealing with communication and media topics published in social science journals, as well as all articles in specialized media and communication journals in the period between 1969 and 2011, shows the intelectual history of the discipline, with the comparative position of Politicka misao in the theoretical and methodological development of the discipline. The sample includes 481 articles, consisting of all full original articles dealing with communication and media topics published in odd years. Included are articles published in social science journals -- Nase teme and Kulturni radnik (both discontinued in 1990), Politicka misao, Revija za sociologiju, Drustvena istrazivanja and Informatologia, and in scientific journals devoted exclusively to communication and media studies (all started after 1990) -- Medijska istrazivanja, Medianali, Medijske studije. Institutional approach was employed for increased understanding of processes which influenced the development of the academic discipline of communication and media studies in Croatia. Results show an increase in number, the diversity of topics, theoretical approaches, and the scientific quality of published articles, and highlight institutional problems in the development of the discipline. Adapted from the source document.
Departing from the criticisms that have been raised towards the volume Comparing Media Systems (Hallin and Mancini, 2004) I'll try to discuss which consequences the adoption of the "concept" of system may imply for media studies, what its advantages are and what risks. The first part of the article is devoted to discussing how and when the notion of "system" has been used in political science starting from the work of Easton, Almond and Powell and many others. I'll try to highlight which are the main points of strength and weakness and which definitions have been used. Then I'll move to the field of communication studies: here I'll show how there has been a shift from the study of the effects of the message towards a more general approach linking the media to the surrounding context. I will focus mainly on the work of Blumler and Gurvitch who have been among the first scholars to use such a concept in political communication comparative research. Particular attention will be devoted to the discussion of the notion of "system" as deriving from system theory and functionalist approach. The last part of the text is devoted to discussing similarities and differences in the use that political scientists and media scholars have made of the concept of "system". Adapted from the source document.
Rad kritički evaluira postoji li (ne)podudaranje između teorije javnog medijskog servisa i njegove politike i strateških dokumenata kada je riječ o idejama uključivanja medijskih publika u javni medijski servis. Najprije se teorijski nastoji uokviriti ova rasprava, tako da se razmatra pet zadaća uključivanja medijskih publika u javni medijski servis. Potom se istražuje kako BBC (Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo), France Télévisions (Francuska), VRT (Flandrija, Belgija) i NPO (Nizozemska) trebaju (politika) i namjeravaju (strategija) uključiti svoje medijske publike. Odabrani slučajevi daju uvid u bolje financirane (BBC, FTV) i manje javne medijske servise (VRT, NPO), kao i u različite medijske sustave. Upotrijebljena je metoda goal-means tree analiza, tip kvalitativne analize dokumenata kojoj je svrha otkrivanje odnosa između cilja i sredstava u politici i strateškim tekstovima. Glavni je argument da je ovdje prije riječ o nekim upitnim, normativnim pretpostavkama iz teorije o javnom medijskom servisu i uključenosti publike, koje su prenesene i u tekstove o politici i strategiji javnog medijskog servisa, a ne o nepodudaranju između teorije, politike i strategije javnog medijskog servisa. ; The article critically evaluates whether there is a (mis)match between ideas on audience involvement in public service media (PSM) theory and the translation thereof in public broadcasters' policy and strategy documents. The literature section theoretically frames this discussion, first, discussing five objectives of PSM and audience involvement. Subsequently, it studies how the BBC (UK), France Télévisions (France), VRT (Flanders), and NPO (the Netherlands) have to (policy) and intend to (strategy) involve their audiences. These cases have been selected with an eye on including both better-funded (BBC, FTV) and smaller public broadcasters (VRT, NPO), as well as different media systems. For the analysis, the method of goal-means tree analysis is adopted, a type of qualitative document analysis that can be deployed to uncover goal-means relationships in policy and strategy texts. The main argument is that, rather than a mismatch, some of the questionable, normative assumptions made in theories concerning audience involvement and PSM are also present in the PSM policy and strategy texts.
Ovaj članak nastoji prikazati na istraživanju utemeljeno razumijevanje uloge medija u tranzicijskim zemljama. Naše se istraživanje fokusira na procese političke socijalizacije, na političko ponašanje i vjerodostojnost te daje primjere iz triju regija: središnje i istočne Europe, Latinske Amerike te Bliskog istoka i sjeverne Afrike. Pozornost smo skrenuli na neke od glavnih radova relevantnih za studije masovnih medija u tranzicijskom kontekstu s ciljem uvida u važne teorije dostupne u studijama o medijima i demokratizaciji. Svjesni ograničenja koja postavlja priroda i opseg uzorka pregledanih studija, identificirali smo i raspravili neke od potencijalnih ključnih prepreka razvoju teorije o političkoj socijalizaciji, političkom ponašanju i vjerodostojnosti u navedenim područjima te predložili alternativne pristupe u istraživanju. ; This article seeks to compile an empirically-based understanding of the role of media in countries in transition. The study focuses on the processes of political socialization, behaviour and accountability, and gives examples from three regions: Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East/North Africa region. We draw on some of the major works relevant to the study of mass media in these transitional contexts with the aim of discerning emergent theories available to the study of media and democratisation. While aware of the limitations posed by the nature and scope of the sample of the studies reviewed, we do identify and discuss some of the potentially key obstacles to theory-building and propose some alternative paths of enquiry.
Delfi metoda se već nekoliko desetljeća koristi kao prognostička metoda kojom se dobivaju podaci iz specifičnih područja istraživanja, a na temelju mišljenja i predviđanja stručnjaka toga područja. Osmišljena kako bi ukazala na trendove i mogući napredak u pitanjima koja se prvenstveno odnose na gospodarstvo, ekonomiju i politiku, uspješnošću u rezultatima pokazala se izuzetno prikladnom i u kvalitativnim istraživanjima odgoja i obrazovanja. Razlog je taj što su suvremena istraživanja usmjerena upravo na predviđanja uspješnosti određenih promjena i reformi u području odgoja i obrazovanja. Provedbi delfi metode u suvremenim istraživanjima u prilog ide ubrzani razvoj i napredak elektroničkih medija, odnosno digitalizacija komunikacije. Time se otvaraju drugačije i bolje mogućnosti provedbe delfi metode, razmjeni informacija, pristupu ispitanicima i obradi podataka. Ovaj rad donosi prikaz delfi metode, počevši od svrhe njene primjene do detaljnih metodoloških smjernica. Rad prvenstveno sadrži osvrt na rezultate suvremenih kvalitativnih istraživanja koja su delfi metodom pristupila problematici u pitanjima odgoja i obrazovanja. Ovim se radom također donose razmatranja uspješnosti primjene delfi metode u odgoju i obrazovanju, ali i neke dileme oko provedbe te istraživačke metode, a koje nalazimo u rezultatima suvremenih istraživanja ovog područja. ; Delphi method was used for several decades as a prognostic method by which information is retrieved from the specific areas of research, and is based on the opinions and predictions of experts in the field. Designed to highlight the trends and possible progress on issues primarily related to the business, economy and politics, the success of the results proved that method can also be very convenient in qualitative research studies in education. Reason for this scientific question lies in a fact that contemporary research studies are particularly focused on predicting the success of certain changes and reforms in the field of education. Implementation of the Delphi method in current research studies is supported by the rapid development and progress of the electronic media, especially digitization of communication. This opens different and better possibilities for implementation of the Delphi method, as well as for the exchange of information, access to respondents and data processing. This paper provides the overview of the Delphi method, starting from the purpose of its application to the detailed methodological guidelines. It primarily includes review of the results of the contemporary qualitative research studies that approached to the issues of education applying the Delphi method. This paper also reviews observations of successful application of the Delphi method in research studies in education, but also some dilemmas of implementation of this method that are found in results of the contemporary studies in this field of research.
The way we talk about complex and abstract ideas is abundant in metaphors. Many research studies have shown that even the most subtle metaphor can have a significant influence on the way people try to tackle various social problems. Thus, the assumption is that metaphors are not just a simple rhetorical tool, but also have a profound effect on how we conceptualize reality and respond to important social issues. In the last two decades, scientists have studied the impact of metaphorical framing on political discourse from different research perspectives. Metaphors are often used for framing political topics, and these metaphorical frames are considered to affect the way people regard these issues, perceive the world, and act, on both the individual and collective level. In accordance with these research studies, in this paper, we will regard the metaphor as a cognitive tool that classifies our conceptual system and enables the understanding of our experiences. The objective of this paper is to examine the use of conceptual metaphors in media discourse on the corona crisis and the earthquake crisis caused by the quake in Petrinja. The research was conducted in three steps, following the methodology of critical metaphor analysis (Charteris-Black, 2004). In the first step, the identification of metaphorical expressions was performed by using a big data corpus of articles published by Croatian web-portals from the beginning of the pandemic (from January 2020 to April 2021) and after the Petrinja earthquake (from 29 December 2020). In the second step, the dominant conceptual metaphors employed in communicating the two crises were interpreted. The results of this interpretation are that war metaphors are ubiquitous in reporting on the COVID-19 disease pandemic, and the apocalypse metaphor is used in reporting on the earthquake. In the third step of the analysis, the reasons and implications of the occurrence of these metaphors are explained. ; Način na koji razgovaramo o složenim i apstraktnim idejama prožet je metaforama. Mnoga istraživanja pokazuju da čak i najsuptilnija metafora može imati snažan utjecaj na to kako ljudi pokušavaju riješiti razne društvene probleme. Dakle, pretpostavka je da metafore nisu puki retorički alati, već da one duboko utječu na to kako konceptualiziramo zbilju i postupamo s obzirom na važna društvena pitanja. Tijekom posljednjih dvaju desetljeća znanstvenici iz različitih istraživačkih perspektiva proučavaju učinke metaforičnog uokvirivanja na politički diskurs. Metafore se često koriste za uokvirivanje političkih tema, a za te se metaforične okvire tvrdi da utječu na to kako ljudi razmišljaju o tim pitanjima, opažaju svijet i ponašaju se, na razini individualnog i kolektivnog. Na tragu tih istraživanja, metaforu u ovom radu shvaćamo kao kognitivno sredstvo koje ustrojava naš pojmovni sustav i omogućuje razumijevanje iskustva. Cilj je ovog rada istražiti upotrebu konceptualnih metafora u javnom diskursu vezanom uz koronakrizu i krizu izazvanu potresom u Petrinji. Istraživanje je provedeno u tri koraka, slijedeći metodologiju kritičke analize metafora (Charteris-Black, 2004). U prvom koraku, identifikacija metaforičnih izraza provedena je korištenjem velike baze podataka (big data corpus) objava s hrvatskih mrežnih portala nastalih u periodu pandemije (od siječnja 2020. do travnja 2021. godine) te za i nakon petrinjskog potresa 29. 12. 2020. U drugom koraku, interpretirane su dominantne konceptualne metafore korištene u medijskom komuniciranju tih dviju kriza. Rezultati te interpretacije pokazuju da su u slučaju epidemije bolesti COVID-19 sveprisutne metafore rata, dok se u izvještavanju o potresu koristila metafora apokalipse. U trećem koraku analize, nastojali su se objasniti razlozi i implikacije pojavljivanja tih konceptualnih metafora u medijskom diskursu.
From the viewpoint of cybercrime, young people represent a particularly vulnerable category of Internet users: children, adolescents and students. Young people are, undoubtedly, the most common and the most gullible users of social networks. Due to lack of education related to dangers they are exposed to on social networks, inexperienced users recklessly post information and multimedia contents on their profiles which can be misused by differently motivated Internet users. Apart from being exposed to the risk from the violation of personal privacy and misuse of personal data, young people are exposed to the risk from political or ideological manipulation. Various studies on social networks and secondary school students have been conducted in the Republic of Serbia. However, no study in this field which would look at university students has yet been conducted. The purpose of this study was to discover the extent to which students use social networking sites, but also the sources and ways students perceive online security risks associated with social networking. Study results show that the media has a dominant role in educating young people on the risks associated with social networking and that the impact of the media is greater than the impact of other educational factors such as family, school or university. ; S gledišta kibernetičkoga kriminaliteta mladi ljudi (djeca, adolescenti i studenti) predstavljaju osobito ranjivu skupinu korisnika interneta. Mladi su ljudi, bez sumnje, najčešći i najlakovjerniji korisnici društvenih mreža. Zbog nedostatka edukacije o opasnostima kojima su izloženi na društvenim mrežama, neiskusni korisnici na svojim profilima nesmotreno objavljuju informacije i multimedijske sadržaje koje mogu upotrijebiti korisnici interneta koji imaju drugačije motive. Osim što su izloženi riziku kršenja osobne privatnosti i zlouporabe osobnih podataka, mladi se ljudi izlažu mogućoj političkoj i ideološkoj manipulaciji. U Republici Srbiji provedene su razne studije o društvenim mrežama i srednjoškolcima, no ni jedna od tih studija nije za ciljnu skupinu imala studente. Svrha ovoga istraživanja bila je ustanoviti do koje se mjere studenti koriste društvenim mrežama na internetu i utvrditi izvore putem kojih se informiraju o sigurnosnim rizicima vezanim uz društveno umrežavanje. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da mediji imaju dominantnu ulogu u upoznavanju mladih ljudi s rizicima vezanim uz društveno umrežavanje. Utjecaj medija veći je od utjecaja ostalih odgojno-obrazovnih čimbenika kao što su obitelj, škola ili fakultet.
The author argues that exploring the functions of television is top priority for all current media theories. All accounts of the functions of television emphasize the informative role of television that makes television news important. In any study of news programming, specific features of TV news must be identified, & fundamental professional criteria in the news selection & interpretation defined. In that way the informative role of a certain broadcast may be strengthened & professional standards applied. The text also analyzes the situation on the HTV & reviews some recent studies of news editing & selection policies in Croatia. The author thinks that thorough research of television journalism is needed to put some order into the concepts & definitions of TV journalism & TV news. All the future studies of the television medium will contribute greatly to the quality of Croatian TV journalism on the whole & raise the professional standards; also, they might come in handy for the education of future journalists. 7 References. Adapted from the source document.
Packaging politics has recently become a major topic of political communication research, studies, & debates. The author presents the definitions & views of this phenomenon & looks into its fundamental features & effects. By using this theoretical framework as his starting point, the author analyzes the extent of packaging politics in the electoral campaign of the HDZ & the SDP, the two biggest parties in Croatia in 2003, by focusing on the six ways of packaging politics in a campaign: the use of television, the cooperation of parties with spin doctors & media consultants, the media presentation of politicians' contacts with celebrities, the construction & promotion of political leaders' image, the attitudes to certain social issues & problems, & the attacks on the opponents. In his survey, the author uses the results of the content analysis of the samples of TV spots used in the campaign of 2003 as well as the results of the poll carried out on the eve of the elections on a representative sample of adult Croatian citizens. The results show that in this campaign the leading Croatian parties tried to win the voters' support by packaging politics, which was particularly noticeable in the intensive use of television & the promotion of the images of these parties' presidents. This & other methods of packaging politics were more expertly & deftly used by the winning party -- the HDZ -- than by its biggest rival, the SDP. The author points out how this evident packaging of politics affected the quality of the political discourse in that electoral campaign. That is why the campaign partly lost its primary function to provide a venue for an informed & public debate on key issues & problems of social development. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.
The media communication of risks is firmly rooted in the "transfer" paradigm of communication. Also, the preliminary research has confirmed the conclusions of the relevant studies that there is a need for adopting an ethics protocol on the communication of risks so that the public is able to reach a consensus on what constitutes acceptable risks through a democratic process of negotiation. The article includes the results of an analysis of the articles on hazardous waste from Croatian papers in the first half of 2004, since all Croatian counties should decide on their waste dump location by the end of the year. Furthermore, the contract with Slovenia regarding the nuclear plant Krsko obliges Croatia to keep its part of the bargain regarding the disposal of medium- & low-radioactive waste. The choice of the waste dump locations has turned into a political issue par excellence & the responsibility is occasionally shifted to the public. Research has shown that the media (for many citizens the sole source of information about the risks hazardous waste dumps entail) do not provide the information that would enable the public to make an informed decision on this issue. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.
The media communication of risks is firmly rooted in the "transfer" paradigm of communication. Also, the preliminary research has confirmed the conclusions of the relevant studies that there is a need for adopting an ethics protocol on the communication of risks so that the public is able to reach a consensus on what constitutes acceptable risks through a democratic process of negotiation. The article includes the results of an analysis of the articles on hazardous waste from Croatian papers in the first half of 2004, since all Croatian counties should decide on their waste dump location by the end of the year. Furthermore, the contract with Slovenia regarding the nuclear plant Krsko obliges Croatia to keep its part of the bargain regarding the disposal of medium- & low-radioactive waste. The choice of the waste dump locations has turned into a political issue par excellence & the responsibility is occasionally shifted to the public. Research has shown that the media (for many citizens the sole source of information about the risks hazardous waste dumps entail) do not provide the information that would enable the public to make an informed decision on this issue. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.
The article presents the results of the research on the reporting about the minorities in Croatian dailies between 2001 & 2003. Besides a review of the existing relevant international & Croatian studies, there is a special focus on the aspects of journalistic selection that vitally influence the readers' ultimate perceptions. The basic findings of the research show that the issues concerning the minorities are predominantly presented as political topics, & reported in journalistic forms with hardly any analytical articles. The representatives of the authorities & the media workers still regard the minority issues as the political ones. The politicians & state officials do this by means of their activities & programs under the pressure of various segments of the public, while journalists do this mainly because of the restrictions of the editorial policies & their paper's profile. At the same time, the representatives of the minorities as a rule do not know how to foist their issues on the media & to focus more on the cultural, social & other aspects of their life, which is vital for their full social integration & their positive public image. 3 Illustrations, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.
The article presents the results of the research on the reporting about the minorities in Croatian dailies between 2001 & 2003. Besides a review of the existing relevant international & Croatian studies, there is a special focus on the aspects of journalistic selection that vitally influence the readers' ultimate perceptions. The basic findings of the research show that the issues concerning the minorities are predominantly presented as political topics, & reported in journalistic forms with hardly any analytical articles. The representatives of the authorities & the media workers still regard the minority issues as the political ones. The politicians & state officials do this by means of their activities & programs under the pressure of various segments of the public, while journalists do this mainly because of the restrictions of the editorial policies & their paper's profile. At the same time, the representatives of the minorities as a rule do not know how to foist their issues on the media & to focus more on the cultural, social & other aspects of their life, which is vital for their full social integration & their positive public image. 3 Illustrations, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.
Describes the study of the evolution of the awareness (understanding) & the practice (activities, participation) of citizenship among Croatian high school students (the first new generation of full-age citizens). The research was conducted in line with similar models in relevant international studies, which enabled a comparative analysis. The analysis of the concept (basic theory) of citizenship was followed by a comparative analysis of the development & the distribution of the citizenship awareness & the yardsticks of the practice of citizenship among Croatian high school students. A number of indicators of the awareness of citizenship (civic identity, the model & the type of citizenship, the concept of the "good citizen," & the concept of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy), & several measures of the practice of citizenship (political interest, discussing politics, following news in the media, the expected conventional & protest political activism, political tolerance) have been used. The comparative analysis has shown that the Croatian students are in some aspects of citizenship at the level of students in many of the comparison nations, but that in others there are significant differences; eg, their level of political interest is significantly lower. The analysis has shown that there is a high awareness of the rights, but relatively a low awareness of the duties, which may be the main problem in the development of political culture of Croatian students & citizens. The expected conventional & protest participation among the Croatian students is significantly lower than among students from other countries. The research also shows that among Croatian students (that phenomenon has also been noticed in other countries) there is a significant discrepancy between, for example, the awareness of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy & the level of political tolerance: the high level of awareness of one's rights (freedom of speech, association, etc) coexists with a relatively low level of tolerance. Thus, it can be said that various inconsistencies tag & "burden" the evolution of citizenship among Croatian high school students. 13 Tables, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.
Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.
