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An improbable scandal. Asbestos exposures : from an occupational disease to a « public health crisis » Combining information science and media studies, sociology and political science, this thesis attempts to understand the processes that transform an issue from a socially ignored question to a public scandal, and at the same time to show the importance of its framing in stabilized discursive patterns of « scandalisation » by media. The issue of asbestos exposures is a privileged ground of observation since it is the only contemporary example of public crisis made up starting from mainly occupational diseases. After the analysis of the way in which, from 1980 to 1994, are normalized the consequences of asbestos exposures by a double mechanism of social containment of the sufferings and localization of the knowledge, this work accounts for the history of the development of the public crisis around this problem over the period 1994-1996 in France. The aim is to avoid two kinds of explanation having often course to analyze the emergence of public crises : the granting of a central role to the group of journalists presented like building in an autonomous way discourses on an issue and the recourse to a conspiracy theory explaining the periods of silence and strong publicity by the occult influence of lobbies. To avoid these explanatory frames, it is necessary to give greater importance to the analysis of the regular interactions between journalists and the social groups mobilized or concerned about a problem, to show the dependence of the group of journalists on their sources, and to replace the question of publicizing or no-publicizing in games of knowledge/lack of knowledge and interest/disinterest implying very vast fields of the society. Lastly, this thesis reconsiders the question of agenda-setting and reviews the consequences of the publicizing process of an issue on its answer by political and administrative actors. ; A l'intersection des sciences de l'information et de la communication, de la sociologie et ...

Combining information science and media studies, sociology and political science, this thesis attempts to understand the processes that transform an issue from a socially ignored question to a public scandal, and at the same time to show the importance of its framing in stabilized discursive patterns of « scandalisation » by media. The issue of asbestos exposures is a privileged ground of observation since it is the only contemporary example of public crisis made up starting from mainly occupational diseases. After the analysis of the way in which, from 1980 to 1994, are normalized the consequences of asbestos exposures by a double mechanism of social containment of the sufferings and localization of the knowledge, this work accounts for the history of the development of the public crisis around this problem over the period 1994-1996 in France. The aim is to avoid two kinds of explanation having often course to analyze the emergence of public crises : the granting of a central role to the group of journalists presented like building in an autonomous way discourses on an issue and the recourse to a conspiracy theory explaining the periods of silence and strong publicity by the occult influence of lobbies. To avoid these explanatory frames, it is necessary to give greater importance to the analysis of the regular interactions between journalists and the social groups mobilized or concerned about a problem, to show the dependence of the group of journalists on their sources, and to replace the question of publicizing or no-publicizing in games of knowledge/lack of knowledge and interest/disinterest implying very vast fields of the society. Lastly, this thesis reconsiders the question of agenda-setting and reviews the consequences of the publicizing process of an issue on its answer by political and administrative actors. ; A l'intersection des sciences de l'information et de la communication, de la sociologie et de la science politique, cette thèse s'attache à comprendre les mécanismes qui font passer un problème ...

Combining information science and media studies, sociology and political science, this thesis attempts to understand the processes that transform an issue from a socially ignored question to a public scandal, and at the same time to show the importance of its framing in stabilized discursive patterns of « scandalisation » by media. The issue of asbestos exposures is a privileged ground of observation since it is the only contemporary example of public crisis made up starting from mainly occupational diseases. After the analysis of the way in which, from 1980 to 1994, are normalized the consequences of asbestos exposures by a double mechanism of social containment of the sufferings and localization of the knowledge, this work accounts for the history of the development of the public crisis around this problem over the period 1994-1996 in France. The aim is to avoid two kinds of explanation having often course to analyze the emergence of public crises : the granting of a central role to the group of journalists presented like building in an autonomous way discourses on an issue and the recourse to a conspiracy theory explaining the periods of silence and strong publicity by the occult influence of lobbies. To avoid these explanatory frames, it is necessary to give greater importance to the analysis of the regular interactions between journalists and the social groups mobilized or concerned about a problem, to show the dependence of the group of journalists on their sources, and to replace the question of publicizing or no-publicizing in games of knowledge/lack of knowledge and interest/disinterest implying very vast fields of the society. Lastly, this thesis reconsiders the question of agenda-setting and reviews the consequences of the publicizing process of an issue on its answer by political and administrative actors. ; A l'intersection des sciences de l'information et de la communication, de la sociologie et de la science politique, cette thèse s'attache à comprendre les mécanismes qui font passer un problème ...

This paper focuses on the recent public scandal which became known in China as the "Sun Zhigang case": on 13 March 2003, this former university student in arts, aged 27, was taken to a police station of Canton city, then to a centre for the sheltering & repatriation of internal migrants where he died three days later. These facts, reported by a daily paper of south China, raised an intense collective indignation which expressed itself in the media but also through the Internet. Denounced as scandalous since reflecting a reality now considered to be unbearable, they supported the assertion of a community of shared convictions. The present paper observes the various forms which were then mobilised to express a sense of injustice & which rely both on shared normative principles as on the way individuals perceive their weakness & their dependency in this period of "economic reforms." It analyzes also the way national authorities have managed this case, leading not only to an institutional reform of the bodies at stake but also to a recognition of the collective entity which has manifested itself as the public of events to which it could react. By linking in an unprecedented way public opinion, experts' judgments & public action, this official response, although it limits the activity of the public as simply supporting State decision-making process, creates a precedent, the action of the State being from now on evaluated on the basis of these new expectations. Adapted from the source document.

At the end of 2001, the scandal series was announced in the US context. Several scandals, especially the Eron failure, were revealed in the first stage by the media. The main purpose of this research is to study the impact of the new reform, in audit after Enron scandal, on auditor independence, audit comity and financial statement credibility. Three operational objectives have been treated in this study. First, we have analyzed the effects of Enron scandal on financial market reaction, auditor choice and auditor conservatism in the French context. Second, we have investigated the impact of the new reform on the auditor independence. Finally, we have examined the effect of audit committee on financial statement credibility after the adoption of the Bouton Report in 2002.The empirical results have shown that the presence of the Non-Big4 members in the legal audit process have minimized the negative effect of the reaction of the SBF 250. However, the perception of the foreign institutional investors has not changed significantly for the Big4 audit services. This auditor group (Big4) does not justify the production of the audit quality compared to other auditors in France. To restore confidence in the financial market, the French legislative authority has created the H3C. The empirical results have revealed that the establishment of the H3C has ameliorated the auditor independence. Hence, the announcement of the launch of H3C disciplinary activity after 2005 has not had a significant effect on auditor independence. In contrast, the appearance of the Bouton Report in 2002 and the reform related to the internal control depend on the audit committee characteristics (expertise and independence audit committee members). ; Fin 2001, début 2002, les États-Unis ont été frappés par un nombre élevé de scandales financiers. Plusieurs affaires ont été révélées par les médias, singulièrement le cas Enron. La reformulation de la profession d'audit en matière d'indépendance des auditeurs et des comités d'audit après le scandale ...

At the end of 2001, the scandal series was announced in the US context. Several scandals, especially the Eron failure, were revealed in the first stage by the media. The main purpose of this research is to study the impact of the new reform, in audit after Enron scandal, on auditor independence, audit comity and financial statement credibility. Three operational objectives have been treated in this study. First, we have analyzed the effects of Enron scandal on financial market reaction, auditor choice and auditor conservatism in the French context. Second, we have investigated the impact of the new reform on the auditor independence. Finally, we have examined the effect of audit committee on financial statement credibility after the adoption of the Bouton Report in 2002.The empirical results have shown that the presence of the Non-Big4 members in the legal audit process have minimized the negative effect of the reaction of the SBF 250. However, the perception of the foreign institutional investors has not changed significantly for the Big4 audit services. This auditor group (Big4) does not justify the production of the audit quality compared to other auditors in France. To restore confidence in the financial market, the French legislative authority has created the H3C. The empirical results have revealed that the establishment of the H3C has ameliorated the auditor independence. Hence, the announcement of the launch of H3C disciplinary activity after 2005 has not had a significant effect on auditor independence. In contrast, the appearance of the Bouton Report in 2002 and the reform related to the internal control depend on the audit committee characteristics (expertise and independence audit committee members). ; Fin 2001, début 2002, les États-Unis ont été frappés par un nombre élevé de scandales financiers. Plusieurs affaires ont été révélées par les médias, singulièrement le cas Enron. La reformulation de la profession d'audit en matière d'indépendance des auditeurs et des comités d'audit après le scandale Enron a cherché à garantir la crédibilité des états financiers. L'objectif de ce travail est de tester l'effet de la nouvelle formulation de la profession d'audit, notamment en matière d'indépendance des auditeurs et des comités d'audit, précisément sur la question de la crédibilité des états financiers. Trois objectifs opérationnels ont été traités dans le cadre de cette étude. Premièrement, nous avons analysé les effets de l'affaire Enron sur la réaction des marchés financiers, le choix des commissaires aux comptes et l'affermissement du conservatisme des auditeurs, dans le contexte français. Deuxièmement, nous avons étudié l'impact de l'institution du Haut Conseil du Commissariat aux Comptes sur l'indépendance des auditeurs. Finalement, nous avons étudié l'influence du Comité d'audit sur la crédibilité des états financiers après le rapport Bouton de 2002. Les résultats empiriques s'attachent à montrer que la présence d'un co-commissaire aux comptes Non-Big a minimisé l'effet négatif de la réaction du marché financier français lors de l'annonce du scandale Enron. Par contre, le scandale Enron n'a pas influencé significativement la perception des investisseurs institutionnels étrangers envers les services des grands cabinets d'audit. Ces derniers n'ont pas justifié la production d'une bonne qualité d'audit par rapport aux Non-Big. Pour rétablir la confiance sur les marchés financiers, le législateur français est intervenu via la création d'un organisme de supervision publique de la profession comptable intitulé le H3C. Les résultats empiriques montrent que la création du H3C a renforcé l'indépendance des auditeurs. Par contre, l'annonce du lancement des activités disciplinaires de ce nouvel organisme après 2005 n'a pas d'effet significatif sur l'indépendance des auditeurs. Par contre l'apparition du rapport Bouton en 2002, et la nouvelle dimension accordée au contrôle interne, montre que ce dernier dépendant des caractéristiques des comités d'audit notamment l'expertise et l'indépendance de leurs membres.

Through an examination of several events dealing with Aids in the 1980's and 1990's, the author analyses major transformations which have affected the field of national media during this period. The fact that so much media coverage has been given to Aids shows that events concerning activities within a field as autonomous as that of medecine have a tendency today to become events just like any other. In the first part, the author shows that the weight of journalistic (and indeed economic and political) consideration is growing in both the selection and the construction of events in the medical domain. These swing between, on the one hand, the regime of " obligatory events " (scientific announcements) and, on the other, the new regime of the " unexpected events " (scandals or polemics). After demonstrating the slow emergence of media attention to the French " infected blood scandal " cannot be attributed only to the work of a handful of journalists or to the caracteristics of the affair, the author explains in a second part that the specific importance of this affair can be explained by changes in the journalistic field. The " infected blood scandal " enables one to understand the general structure of the field of journalism, which has come to be increasingly dominated by commercial imperatives, as exemplified by the growing role of television in the prioritisation and treatment of events. At a second level, the study of the journalists who covered this affair, analysed, through the changes in recruitment on the one hand and the division of labour in journalism on the other, reveals the effects of professionnal hierarchies on the way the scandal was treated by the press. The form taken by this affair derives substantially from the way in which medical information is treated. Medical information has lost its relatively exceptional status, which is less and less medicalised and more and more competitive. This study shows also that journalistic activity is today less subject to the logic of politics than it is to ...

This article shows that no social situation of transgression has "natural" ownership, even if it concerns elites, it can be perceived as a "problem", as a "affair" or as a "scandal". Each of these social qualifications is the result of the combination of four variables: the degree of breach of a standard; whether or not there are victims and damage; the degree of responsibility attributed to authors; the social response awaited. The empirical analysis of a press file concerning a case of stock exchange fraud involving political actors highlights three phenomena. First of all, in the media space there are at the same time co-existence of the various possible qualifications of the same event. Secondly, the overall evolution of speeches over a period of six years shows the decrease in arguments denouncing a political scandal in favour of technical and economic arguments. Finally, changes in the content of each newspaper reflect the changes in their analyses according to their editorial line. ; This article shows that no social situation of deviance has natural "properties", even when it concerns elites. It can be considered as a "problem", an "affair" or a "scandal". Each of those social qualifications is the result of four complementary variables: the degree of violation to the norm, the existence or not of victims and damage, the degree of attributed responsibility to the defendants, and the foreseen social reactions.The empirical analysis of a press kit dealing with a case of insider trading fraud including political actors highlights three phenomena. First, different possible qualifications co-exist in the media on the same event. In addition, the global evolution of discourses on the course of six months illustrates the decrease in arguments denouncing a political scandal and the increase of economic and technical arguments. Finally, the evolution of the content of each newspaper clarifies their analytical changes according to their editorial lines. ; This article shows that no social situation of ...

Through an examination of several events dealing with Aids in the 1980's and 1990's, the author analyses major transformations which have affected the field of national media during this period. The fact that so much media coverage has been given to Aids shows that events concerning activities within a field as autonomous as that of medecine have a tendency today to become events just like any other. In the first part, the author shows that the weight of journalistic (and indeed economic and political) consideration is growing in both the selection and the construction of events in the medical domain. These swing between, on the one hand, the regime of " obligatory events " (scientific announcements) and, on the other, the new regime of the " unexpected events " (scandals or polemics). After demonstrating the slow emergence of media attention to the French " infected blood scandal " cannot be attributed only to the work of a handful of journalists or to the caracteristics of the affair, the author explains in a second part that the specific importance of this affair can be explained by changes in the journalistic field. The " infected blood scandal " enables one to understand the general structure of the field of journalism, which has come to be increasingly dominated by commercial imperatives, as exemplified by the growing role of television in the prioritisation and treatment of events. At a second level, the study of the journalists who covered this affair, analysed, through the changes in recruitment on the one hand and the division of labour in journalism on the other, reveals the effects of professionnal hierarchies on the way the scandal was treated by the press. The form taken by this affair derives substantially from the way in which medical information is treated. Medical information has lost its relatively exceptional status, which is less and less medicalised and more and more competitive. This study shows also that journalistic activity is today less subject to the logic of politics than it is to that of two other logics : those of journalistic value -as recognized by journalists- and of the market, which become ever closer. The third part shows the growing effect that the journalistic field has on the ordinary working of other relatively autonomous social worlds such as the judicical sphere, when it imposes for example a form of " popular justice ". ; A partir de l'étude de plusieurs événements concernant le sida, cette recherche a pour objet l'analyse des grandes transformations qui ont affecté le champ des médias nationaux d'information générale au cours des années 80 et 90. La médiatisation du sida montre que les événements qui portent sur les activités d'un espace aussi autonome que le champ médical tendent aujourd'hui à devenir des événements comme les autres. Dans une première partie, on met en évidence le poids croissant des considérations journalistiques (et par là-même économiques et politiques) dans la sélection et la construction des événements dans le domaine médical. A côté de ce qu'on peut appeler les " événements obligés " (les annonces scientifiques), on voit se multiplier des " événements imprévus " (les " affaires " ou les " polémiques "). Après avoir montré que la lente émergence médiatique du " scandale du sang contaminé " (1983-199.) ne peut être uniquement rapportée au seul travail de quelques journalistes ou aux propriétés médiatiques de cette affaire, on explique, dans une deuxième partie, que la forme qu'elle a prise en France doit beaucoup aux transformations du champ journalistique. Elle est un révélateur de la structure générale de cet espace qui est de plus en plus dominé par son pôle commercial, incarné par les chaînes de télévision qui ont acquis un poids important dans la hiérarchisation et le traitement des événements. A un second niveau, l'étude des positions des journalistes, analysées à travers les transformations du recrutement d'une part, et la division du travail journalistique d'autre part, fait apparaître les effets des hiérarchies professionnelles sur le traitement du " scandale ". La forme prise par cette affaire doit aussi beaucoup aux transformations de l'information médicale, qui a perdu son relatif statut d'exception, celle-ci étant de plus en plus dé-médicalisée et concurrentielle. Enfin, si l'activité journalistique est toujours fortement dépendante de logiques politiques, elle est de plus en plus soumise à deux logiques, celle des pairs et du marché. Dans une troisième partie, on met en évidence les effets grandissants que le champ journalistique exerce sur le fonctionnement ordinaire d'autres univers sociaux relativement autonomes comme par exemple le champ judiciaire, dans la mesure où il tend à instaurer une forme de " justice populaire ".

International audience ; This article analyses the interaction between social movements and the media. Drawing on a qualitative study of media coverage of occupational diseases related to pesticides, we show how a handful of journalists have contributed to the emergence of a collective mobilization of farmers seeing themselves as victims of these substances and claiming for compensation and stricter risk management public policies. In line with previous research in sociology which stress the limits of media-centered analyses, the article demonstrates however that third parties – environmental activists or legal professionals – have played a crucial role in helping the pesticide victim movement to gain media attention, and analyses how the movement leaders progressively tried to gain more control on their media coverage and their political discourse in public space. ; Cet article porte sur l'interaction entre mouvements sociaux et médias. À partir d'une enquête qualitative sur la médiatisation des maladies professionnelles liées aux pesticides, nous montrons comment des professionnels du journalisme ont contribué à l'engagement d'agriculteurs s'estimant victimes de ces produits dans une cause politique. Cependant, à la suite des sociologues qui ont alerté sur le risque des analyses média-centriques, nous mettons en évidence le rôle de tiers – militants environnementalistes ou professionnels du droit – dans l'interaction entre médias et victimes, et soulignons que ces dernières développent des stratégies pour maîtriser leur image médiatique et affirmer une voix politique propre dans l'espace public.

International audience ; This article analyses the interaction between social movements and the media. Drawing on a qualitative study of media coverage of occupational diseases related to pesticides, we show how a handful of journalists have contributed to the emergence of a collective mobilization of farmers seeing themselves as victims of these substances and claiming for compensation and stricter risk management public policies. In line with previous research in sociology which stress the limits of media-centered analyses, the article demonstrates however that third parties – environmental activists or legal professionals – have played a crucial role in helping the pesticide victim movement to gain media attention, and analyses how the movement leaders progressively tried to gain more control on their media coverage and their political discourse in public space. ; Cet article porte sur l'interaction entre mouvements sociaux et médias. À partir d'une enquête qualitative sur la médiatisation des maladies professionnelles liées aux pesticides, nous montrons comment des professionnels du journalisme ont contribué à l'engagement d'agriculteurs s'estimant victimes de ces produits dans une cause politique. Cependant, à la suite des sociologues qui ont alerté sur le risque des analyses média-centriques, nous mettons en évidence le rôle de tiers – militants environnementalistes ou professionnels du droit – dans l'interaction entre médias et victimes, et soulignons que ces dernières développent des stratégies pour maîtriser leur image médiatique et affirmer une voix politique propre dans l'espace public.

International audience ; This article analyses the interaction between social movements and the media. Drawing on a qualitative study of media coverage of occupational diseases related to pesticides, we show how a handful of journalists have contributed to the emergence of a collective mobilization of farmers seeing themselves as victims of these substances and claiming for compensation and stricter risk management public policies. In line with previous research in sociology which stress the limits of media-centered analyses, the article demonstrates however that third parties – environmental activists or legal professionals – have played a crucial role in helping the pesticide victim movement to gain media attention, and analyses how the movement leaders progressively tried to gain more control on their media coverage and their political discourse in public space. ; Cet article porte sur l'interaction entre mouvements sociaux et médias. À partir d'une enquête qualitative sur la médiatisation des maladies professionnelles liées aux pesticides, nous montrons comment des professionnels du journalisme ont contribué à l'engagement d'agriculteurs s'estimant victimes de ces produits dans une cause politique. Cependant, à la suite des sociologues qui ont alerté sur le risque des analyses média-centriques, nous mettons en évidence le rôle de tiers – militants environnementalistes ou professionnels du droit – dans l'interaction entre médias et victimes, et soulignons que ces dernières développent des stratégies pour maîtriser leur image médiatique et affirmer une voix politique propre dans l'espace public.

International audience ; This article analyses the interaction between social movements and the media. Drawing on a qualitative study of media coverage of occupational diseases related to pesticides, we show how a handful of journalists have contributed to the emergence of a collective mobilization of farmers seeing themselves as victims of these substances and claiming for compensation and stricter risk management public policies. In line with previous research in sociology which stress the limits of media-centered analyses, the article demonstrates however that third parties – environmental activists or legal professionals – have played a crucial role in helping the pesticide victim movement to gain media attention, and analyses how the movement leaders progressively tried to gain more control on their media coverage and their political discourse in public space. ; Cet article porte sur l'interaction entre mouvements sociaux et médias. À partir d'une enquête qualitative sur la médiatisation des maladies professionnelles liées aux pesticides, nous montrons comment des professionnels du journalisme ont contribué à l'engagement d'agriculteurs s'estimant victimes de ces produits dans une cause politique. Cependant, à la suite des sociologues qui ont alerté sur le risque des analyses média-centriques, nous mettons en évidence le rôle de tiers – militants environnementalistes ou professionnels du droit – dans l'interaction entre médias et victimes, et soulignons que ces dernières développent des stratégies pour maîtriser leur image médiatique et affirmer une voix politique propre dans l'espace public.

International audience ; This article analyses the interaction between social movements and the media. Drawing on a qualitative study of media coverage of occupational diseases related to pesticides, we show how a handful of journalists have contributed to the emergence of a collective mobilization of farmers seeing themselves as victims of these substances and claiming for compensation and stricter risk management public policies. In line with previous research in sociology which stress the limits of media-centered analyses, the article demonstrates however that third parties – environmental activists or legal professionals – have played a crucial role in helping the pesticide victim movement to gain media attention, and analyses how the movement leaders progressively tried to gain more control on their media coverage and their political discourse in public space. ; Cet article porte sur l'interaction entre mouvements sociaux et médias. À partir d'une enquête qualitative sur la médiatisation des maladies professionnelles liées aux pesticides, nous montrons comment des professionnels du journalisme ont contribué à l'engagement d'agriculteurs s'estimant victimes de ces produits dans une cause politique. Cependant, à la suite des sociologues qui ont alerté sur le risque des analyses média-centriques, nous mettons en évidence le rôle de tiers – militants environnementalistes ou professionnels du droit – dans l'interaction entre médias et victimes, et soulignons que ces dernières développent des stratégies pour maîtriser leur image médiatique et affirmer une voix politique propre dans l'espace public.