Suchergebnisse

The connection between corruption & party finance; the implications of this relationship for democracy; & public & judicial responses to scandals involving political corruption in Italy, France, & Spain are explored. An overview of changes to contemporary understandings of corruption is presented. The notion of the "political opportunity structure" is introduced to account for the emergence of corruption in democratic systems. It is contended that the expansion of corrupt activity with regard to party finance reform in these nations is the product of novel political opportunities rather than cultural acceptance of such behavior. Individual analyses of the connection between corruption & party finance reform in the respective European nations are performed. The increase of public outrage toward scandals involving corrupt finance reform is viewed as the result of the mobilization of various media, judicial, & political actors. The study's implications for political parties' future role in democratic systems are also considered. J. W. Parker

Examines the role of the judiciary in exposing public officials' corrupt behavior in Italy, France, & Spain throughout the late 20th century. The 1992 scandal involving Italian party leader Bettino Craxi is reviewed to illustrate the extent to which corruption definitions have changed in contemporary society. It is contended that the association of legal discourse in the judiciary with moral discourse in the media produced the increased exposure of scandal in the Latin European nations throughout the 1990s. The role of certain Italian, French, & Spanish judiciaries in highlighting the prevalence of clientelism & other forms of corruption in their respective nations is discussed. Claims of judicial legitimacy have necessarily involved the political sphere in investigations of corruption. The place of national business sectors in the judicial-political-media schema for examining corruption scandals is addressed. 1 Figure. J. W. Parker

Examines the role of the judiciary in exposing public officials' corrupt behavior in Italy, France, & Spain throughout the late 20th century. The 1992 scandal involving Italian party leader Bettino Craxi is reviewed to illustrate the extent to which corruption definitions have changed in contemporary society. It is contended that the association of legal discourse in the judiciary with moral discourse in the media produced the increased exposure of scandal in the Latin European nations throughout the 1990s. The role of certain Italian, French, & Spanish judiciaries in highlighting the prevalence of clientelism & other forms of corruption in their respective nations is discussed. Claims of judicial legitimacy have necessarily involved the political sphere in investigations of corruption. The place of national business sectors in the judicial-political-media schema for examining corruption scandals is addressed. 1 Figure. J. W. Parker

Differences between the discussion of political issues conducted on traditional political programs & political programs involving celebrities & other individuals who are not experts are studied. The notion of "cultural citizenship" is reviewed, demonstrating contemporary scholars' recognition of the influence that popular culture possesses over everyday relations between citizens & the state. Programming shown over two 2-week periods on Politically Incorrect with Bill Maher & This Week with Sam Donaldson and Cokie Roberts demonstrate how participants on the respective programs interpreted the Monica Lewinsky scandal. The analysis indicated that participants on the first program largely delineated the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal as an everyday, universal occurrence, thus highlighting the extent to which popular culture has affected political events in the present-day US. The implications of the emergence of cultural citizenship for traditional, political notions of citizenship are also contemplated. J. W. Parker

The response of public health officials in Spain to the discovery of HIV in the blood supply was reactive, driven by media exposure. The dawning of the AIDS crisis was simultaneous with a period of democratization & decentralization of the public health system; & struggles over responsibilities & lack of coordination often paralyzed initiatives to take measures to protect the largely imported blood supply. Blood management was a major programmatic failure. The first outbreaks of AIDS among hemophiliacs brought some media & public attention, but Spain did not experience a scandal such as those in other European countries. Analysis revealed that the absolute number of people infected by blood products in Spain was the highest in Europe. After quiet bargaining, the government in 1993 reached a settlement with hemophiliacs without acknowledging its delays in controlling blood banks & blood products between 1983 & 1987. L. A. Hoffman

"Die öffentliche gesellschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit Rechtsextremismus ist ein sehr diskontinuierliches Phänomen und entzündet sich in der Regel an wenigen resonanzstarken Skandalereignissen. Der Beitrag hat zum Ziel, Ursachen für diese diskontinuierliche gesellschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit dem Rechtsextremismus zu erfassen und mögliche Folgen zu reflektieren. Die empirische Basis für die Analyse der Ursachen, Dynamiken und Regularitäten solcher Thematisierungswellen des Rechtsextremismus bilden Daten zur öffentlichen Kommunikation, die durch eine umfassende Inhaltsanalyse aller für die gesellschaftliche Bewertung des Rechtsextremismus relevanten massenmedialen und parlamentarischen Diskussionen seit 1998 in der Schweiz gewonnen wurden. Auf der Basis dieser Daten werden drei Fragen diskutiert. Erstens: Inwieweit sind diese Skandalisierungswellen Ausdruck einer gesellschaftlichen Sensibilisierung für das Phänomen Rechtsextremismus? Als Indikatoren für die Diskussion dieser These dienen den Verfassern einerseits die Nachhaltigkeit der öffentlichen Kommunikation über Rechtsextremismus und andererseits ihr Differenzierungsgrad. Zweitens: Inwieweit sind diese Skandalisierungswellen getrieben durch eine befürchtete resp. bereits beobachtete Diffusion rechtsextremer Deutungsmuster in die Mitte der Gesellschaft? Als wichtigster Indikator hierfür ist die Verwendung rigider Differenzsemantiken durch definitionsmächtige etablierte Akteure zu nennen, die rechtsextreme Deutungsmuster erst anschlussfähig machen. Drittens: Inwieweit sind diese Skandalisierungswellen zurückzuführen auf Veränderungen der Strukturen und Bedingungen der öffentlichen Kommunikation selbst, die als Effekte des neuen Strukturwandels der Öffentlichkeit beschrieben werden? Im Licht der Strukturwandelsthese sind die Skandalisierungswellen und der 'medienplebiszitäre' Druck auf das politische System vor allem durch die Ökonomie der Aufmerksamkeitsgenerierung zu erklären - ein Prozess, der zu Aktionismus verführt und die Nachhaltigkeit der politischen Moral zu entwerten droht." (Autorenreferat)