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The 2017 U.S. Senate Special Election in Alabama, which was decided on 12 December 2017, was one of the most contentious and scandal-laden political campaigns in recent memory. The Republican candidate, Roy Moore, gained notoriety during the 2017 campaign when a number of women alleged to national media that as teenagers they were subject to sexual advances by Moore, who was then in his early 30s and serving as a local assistant district attorney. The process and results of this particular election provide the heretofore unexamined impact of political scandal on localism or friends-and-neighbors voting in political contests. Based on data from the 2017 special election in Alabama, econometric results presented here suggest that a candidate who is embroiled in political scandal suffers an erosion in the usual friends-and-neighbors effect on his or her local vote share. In this particular case, the scandal hanging over Moore eroded all of the friends-and-neighbors effect that would have been expected (e.g., about five percentage points) in his home county, as well as about 40% of the advantage Moore had at home over his opponent in terms of constituent political ideology.

This essay proposes a possible typology of mediated corruption scandals: market-driven corruption scandals, "custodians of conscience" corruption scandals, politically oriented corruption scandals. This typology is proposed in connection to the different social and political contextual conditions within which scandals develop. Particular attention is placed on the nature and the proceedings of the media system and the journalistic professionalism connected to each type of mediated corruption scandals. The essay insists also on the necessity to go beyond the usual attention that is placed on the western world that addresses most of the studies on corruption scandals: this represents just a minor part of the observable corruption cases. Literature on corruption and on media studies constitutes the basis for this essay. ; Este ensaio propõe uma possível tipologia de escândalos de corrupção mediados: escândalos de corrupção orientados pelo mercado, escândalos de corrupção dos "guardiões da consciência", escândalos de corrupção com orientação política. Essa tipologia é proposta em conexão com as diferentes condições contextuais sociais e políticas nas quais os escândalos se desenvolvem. É dada especial atenção à natureza e aos procedimentos do sistema de mídia e ao profissionalismo jornalístico conectado a cada tipo de escândalos de corrupção mediados. O ensaio insiste também na necessidade de ir além da atenção habitual que é colocada no mundo ocidental que aborda a maioria dos estudos sobre escândalos de corrupção: isso representa apenas uma parte menor dos casos observáveis de corrupção. A literatura sobre corrupção e estudos da mídia constitui a base deste ensaio

Building on blame avoidance analysis, this article develops a method to assess the reactivity, sequencing and efficacy of defensive responses by officeholders facing a crisis of personal blame, analysing cases drawn from four advanced democracies. It tests the hypotheses that officeholders: react by positive action rather than non-engagement when blame levels are high; respond in a 'staged retreat' sequence; and can reduce the level of blame they face from one day to another through choice of presentational strategies. The article applies event history analysis to test the sequencing hypothesis and time series cross-sectional models to test the reactivity and efficacy hypotheses. The analysis shows that officeholders tend to respond actively when blame levels are high, that to some extent their responses tend to follow a staged retreat pattern, and their interventions have a systematic effect on the next day's media blame level only if they take the form of personal statements.

This is a study about the nexus relations among globalisation, democratisation process and its implication upon the political change in Malaysia. Malaysian internal politics is very dynamics and contentious as well as running based on the ethnic consensus. The result recent Malaysian election has changed the Malaysian political landscape. The 61 years regime of Barisan Nasional (BN) has been defeated by the opposition that led by former Malaysian Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohammad. By applying qualitative library research. The result shows that the globalisation has a direct impact on the Malaysian democratisation progress. It also, therefore, influences on creating a political change in Malaysia. This paper argues that globalisation and democratisation process became a trigger factor of new media development. The non BN-linked government media such as Malaysiakini.com and the Malaysian Insider play a significant role in distributing information related to the corruption scandal of BN elites, notably a corruption scandal of Najib Razak, a former Prime Minister of Malaysia.

"Es reicht nicht aus, Skandale nur als überindividuelle Diskursstrukturen und mediale Makrophänomene gesellschaftlicher Kommunikation zu fassen, vielmehr müssen konkrete methodische Prinzipien für die Beschreibung einer Praxis der Skandalinszenierung in bestimmten Medien erschlossen werden. Das zentrale Anliegen dieses Beitrags besteht darin, in mikrosoziologischer Perspektive zu analysieren, wie und durch welche konkreten Handlungen ein Ereignis als Skandal inszeniert wird. Skandal lässt sich hier als Frame auffassen, den die Fernsehproduzent/ innen bevorzugen, weil sie damit bestimmte kommunikative Aufgaben lösen können. Anhand der Einzelallanalyse des Videomittschnitts einer Fernsehsendung wird gezeigt, wie ein privater Fall durch das Skandal-Framing zu einem öffentlichen Ereignis gemacht wird." (Autorenreferat)

The 2017 U.S. Senate Special Election in Alabama, which was decided on 12 December 2017, was one of the most contentious and scandal-laden political campaigns in recent memory. The Republican candidate, Roy Moore, gained notoriety during the 2017 campaign when a number of women alleged to national media that as teenagers they were subject to sexual advances by Moore, who was then in his early 30s and serving as a local assistant district attorney. The process and results of this particular election provide the heretofore unexamined impact of political scandal on localism or friends-and-neighbors voting in political contests. Based on data from the 2017 special election in Alabama, econometric results presented here suggest that a candidate who is embroiled in political scandal suffers an erosion in the usual friends-and-neighbors effect on his or her local vote share. In this particular case, the scandal hanging over Moore eroded all of the friends-and-neighbors effect that would have been expected (e.g., about five percentage points) in his home county, as well as about 40% of the advantage Moore had at home over his opponent in terms of constituent political ideology.

While the study of corporate crime began nearly seventy years ago, academic accessto Asian countries, and China in particular, has become available only in the past twodecades. The growing economic crime rate in China remains a difficult area ofresearch, but recent studies demonstrate the impact China's economic reform on crimein general. This study aims to apply western corporate crime and state theories toChina in an effort to explain both China's economic crime rate and the government'sresponse. This qualitative study draws on information about the 2008 melamine milkscandal from both Chinese and western newspapers, as well as scholarly journals. Ananalysis of these sources reveals China is similar to the United States of America andother developed nations: economic crime is tolerated if that crime provides a directbenefit for the offending corporation and indirect benefit for the state. China'sauthoritarian government increases this tolerance as the state is able to both censorthe media and use force to prevent social movements, liberties that have a dampeningeffect on economic crime in western democracies. This implies that without aliberalization of government to match the liberalization of economy, China's economiccrime rate will remain high.

We examine the role of interpersonal discussion in an attempt to better understand talk's contribution to perceived media impacts related to the sexual abuse scandal at Penn State University. Through the use of a survey conducted both in the state of Pennsylvania and nationally, we analyze how interpersonal discussion, issue involvement, media exposure, and affinity for the Penn State football team influence third-person perceptions (TPPs) related to the Penn State case. By examining a dynamic and polarizing social issue involving a previously well-regarded athletic program facing intense social and criminal scrutiny, we are able to better understand how TPPs are formed in the midst of an ongoing scandal. Results reveal the influence of interpersonal discussion—and especially interpersonal disagreement—as a key moderating variable in forming these perceptions of media influence.

This paper develops a model of press-priming in which public evaluations of press performance are examined in the context of media scandals where news organizations through their own ethical lapses become the subject and conduit of priming effects. We argue that judgments about the press during a crisis depend on the activation of standing attitudes toward press freedom and media responsibility, which come into play with close attention to ongoing developments. Our model is tested with original survey data collected around two salient press scandals in Britain, one involving the now-defunct News of the World tabloid, the other the storied British Broadcasting Corporation. Support for the model is found. In the aftermath of a press crisis, attitudes toward press freedom and media responsibility are situationally activated by the unique attributes of each scandal, and these attitudes shape evaluations of credibility and support for regulation. Implications for improved understanding of the news evaluation process are discussed.

Media reports about widespread abuse of Iraqi prisoners by US soldiers at Abu Ghraib prompted widespread criticism of the Coalition of the Willing's use of military engagement to fight terrorism. This paper will utilise a qualitative discursive analysis to investigate the discursive strategies used by the US and Australian government to respond to the Abu Ghraib scandal in the media. I will argue that one of the more successful discursive strategies used by 'Coalition' governments was to separate the acts of brutality from the overall representation of the 'moral' need for military engagement in Iraq. However, the paper will illustrate that this discursive separation meant that Coalition governments re-presented once 'heroic' American soldiers similarly to the terrorist 'others' so derided in the media.

In recent years, the Australian media have come under fire for their reporting of politics and election campaigns. Political reporting is said to be too influenced by commercial concerns, too obsessed with gossip and scandal, and too focused on trivia and 'sound bites' at the expense of serious issues. There are accusations of bias, sensationalism, 'lazy' journalism and 'horse-race' reporting that is obsessed with opinion polls. How Australia Decides is the first book to put these allegations to the test. Based on a four-year empirical study, Sally Young reports the results of the only systematic, historical and in-depth analysis of Australian election reporting. This groundbreaking book shows how election reporting has changed over time, and how political news audiences, news production and shifts in political campaigning are influencing media content – with profound implications for Australian democracy

SummaryWe consider the impact of breaking news on market prices. We measure activity on the micro‐blogging platform Twitter surrounding a unique, newsworthy and identifiable event and investigate subsequent movements of betting prices on the prominent betting exchange, Betfair. The event we use is the Bigotgate scandal, which occurred during the 2010 UK General Election campaign. We use recent developments in time series econometric methods to identify and quantify movements in both Twitter activity and Betfair prices, and compare the timings of the two. We find that the response of market prices appears somewhat sluggish and is indicative of market inefficiency, as Betfair prices adjust with a delay, and there is evidence for post‐news drift. This slow movement may be explained by the need for corroborating evidence via more traditional forms of media. Once important tweeters begin to tweet, including importantly breaking news Twitter feeds from traditional media sources, prices begin to move.