Autorica u članku analizira demokratsku tranziciju i prvo desetljeće meksičke demokracije. Navodi da se demokratska tranzicija odvijala paralelno sa snažnim uzdizanjem narkobiznisa, što je uzrokovalo stvaranje izvanustavnih aktera – narkokartela. Situacija je najproblematičnija u šest meksičkih saveznih država u kojima narkokarteli uzrokuju manjkavosti u funkcioniranju većine parcijalnih režima ustavne demokracije. U zaključku je iznesen strah da bi se urušavanje demokracije moglo proširiti na ostale savezne države te da bi se Meksiko mogao pretvoriti u narkodemokraciju na cjelokupnom državnom teritoriju. ; In this paper, the author analyses the democratic transition and the first decade of the Mexican democracy. She points out that the democratic transition took place parallel with a huge expansion of the drug business, which caused the creation of extraconstitutional actors – drug cartels. The situation is particularly pressing in six Mexican federal states where the drug cartels cause deficiencies in the functioning of the majority of partial regimes of constitutional democracy. The conclusion raises fears that the collapse of democracy might extend to other federal states and that Mexico could turn into a narco-democracy in its entire national territory.
Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.
U ovom istraživanju ispitana je realna ekonomska aktivnost i monetarna politika SAD-a u usporedbi s vanjskotrgovinskom bilancom i valutnim tečajevima, primjenjujući modele Qual VAR i nelinearni VAR model. Ustanovili smo da međunarodno poslovanje s Brazilom, Kanadom i Meksikom ne dovodi do moguće recesije u SAD-u. Vrijednost domaće valute Brazila, Kanade i Meksika u odnosu na američki dolar ne pridonosi mogućoj recesiji na deviznom tržištu. Također smo pokazali da će kontrakcija američke ekonomije i kontrakcijska monetarna politika dovesti do aprecijacije američkog dolara vodeći do priljeva kapitala. Iako negativna stopa federalnih fondova (shadow interest rate) može imati asimetrične učinke na vanjskotrgovinsku bilancu s Kanadom i USD / CAD-om, smatramo da će vanjskotrgovinska bilanca s Meksikom i USD / MXN biti pozitivno ili negativno uvjetovana povećanjem odnosno smanjenjem stope federalnih fondova. ; In this study, the real economic activity and monetary policy in the US are examined in comparison with the foreign trade balance and exchange rates, using Qual VAR and nonlinear VAR models. We found that the foreign trade with Brazil, Canada and Mexico do not lead to a possible recession in the US. The value of the domestic currency of Brazil, Canada and Mexico against the US dollar does not contribute to a possible recession over the foreign exchange market. We also show that a contraction in the US economy and contractionary monetary policy will lead to the appreciation of the US dollar by leading to capital inflows. Although the shadow interest rate may have asymmetric effects on the foreign trade balance with Canada and USD/CAD, we find that the foreign trade balance with Mexico and USD/MXN will be affected positively/negatively by an increase/decrease in the shadow interest rate.
Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.
Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.
Krumpir (Solanum tuberosum) kakvog mi danas poznajemo zeljasta je višegodišnja biljka koja pripada porodici Solanaceae. Različite divlje vrste krumpira rasprostranjene su na jugu Sjeverne Amerike, u Meksiku, centralnoj Americi i po cijeloj Južnoj Americi. Pradomovina krumpira je Južna Amerika, područje Anda (Peru, Bolivija), gdje je Inkama, uz kukuruz, bio glavna hrana. U Europu se prenosi u 16. stoljeću te ga prvi put spominje švicarski botaničar Kaspar Bauhin 1596. god. pod nazivom Solanum tuberosum esculentum. U naše krajeve donijeli su ga graničarski vojnici 1779. i 1780. god. Razumljivo je da je i u našim krajevima bilo početnog otpora prema uvođenju krumpira u prehranu, ali i u samu poljoprivrednu proizvodnju. ; Potato (Solanum tuberosum) as we know today is a herbaceous several-years plant that belongs to the family of Solanaceae. Various wild potato sorts are spread out in the southern part of North America, in Mexico, Central America and throughout South America. The habitat of tomato is South America, the area of the Andes (Peru, Bolivia), where together with corn, it was the main Incas' food. It was introduced to Europe in 16th century and was first mentioned by a Swiss botanist Kaspar Bauhin in 1596 under the name of Solanum tuberosum esculentum. It was brought to the Croatian area by the soldiers of the Military Border in 1779 and 1780. It is understandable that in Croatian area there used to be the initial resistance to potato introduction into food, but also into the agricultural production as well.
