Suchergebnisse

Padom Zapadnog Rimskog Carstva 476. poslije Kr. te ulaskom Gota u Rim, Europa se raspala na mnogo tada neorganiziranih, nepovezanih entiteta koji su započinjali izgradnju vlastitoga kulturnog i političkog identiteta. Kako je vrijeme prolazilo, tako se sve više gubio jedan unificirani mjerni sustav (rekli bismo: antički SI sustav mjera) te sve ono kulturno i tehnološko naslijeđe koje je Rim nakon sebe ostavio. Mjerni sustav uvijek je potreban da bi bilo koji vid društvene aktivnosti uopće opstao. S obzirom da je područje rimskog utjecaja bilo ogromno, a da je na njemu nastalo mnogo novih entiteta, nisu se uspjeli zadržati već uvriježeni mjerni sustavi nego su se počeli stvarati i upotrebljavati lokalni sustavi. Uporaba lokalnih mjernih sustava bila je katkad toliko rascjepkana da su gradovi koji su jedni drugima vidjeli zidine imali potpuno drugačije definirane odnose unutar mjernih sustava. Opisivanje svih mjernih jedinica tijekom srednjeg vijeka zahtijevalo bi puno vremena. Ovdje će biti opisano sve ono što se odnosi na mjerenje mase, što izravno ili neizravno utječe na točnost odnosno bolje rečeno vjerodostojnost izmjera, poglavito pri obavljanju razmjene novca u trgovanju na područjima s različitim mjernim sustavima. Te pojave često su iskorištavali ovlašteni mjenjači novca koji su na "zakonit" način potkradali drugu stranu.

Domaća politička dinamika, razjedinjenost i preusmjereni prioriteti EU-a, kao i smanjenje geostrateške uloge u NATO-u potaknuli su Tursku na to da se okrene prema novome političkom modelu u kojemu u vanjskoj politici potpuno prevladavaju suženi nacionalni interesi. Potraga za fleksibilnim savezništvima sa zapadnim suparnicima iznjedrila je odnose koji su više transakcijske prirode. Turska, naime, drži kako su njezine tradicionalne veze sa zapadnim svijetom neravnopravne te povremeno čak štete njezinim interesima. Odnosi Ankare sa SAD-om i EU-om nikada nisu bili na visokoj razini, od čega je Rusija oduvijek imala najveću korist. U tursko-ruskom "braku iz koristi" Rusija je uvelike moćniji partner pa Turska neprekidno teži važnijoj ulozi na Bliskom istoku, Balkanu, Kavkazu, u Srednjoj Aziji i nekim dijelovima Afrike. U želji za povećanjem svojeg utjecaja na tim područjima, ona se služi svim raspoloživim sredstvima. S obzirom na svoje ambiciozno vodstvo, kooperativna gospodarska politika postala je isključivija i usredotočena na smanjenje sigurnosnih prijetnji. Zbog svega toga zemlja je suočena s brojnim akterima na različitim razinama, uključujući i globalne "teškaše". ; Following domestic political dynamics, disunity and redirected priorities of the EU and decreasing in its NATO geostrategic role, Turkey turned to new policy norm where narrowed national interests gained absolute dominance in foreign relations. The ensuing quest for flexible alliances with Western rivals has generated more transactional and compartmentalized relationships with Western powers as Turkey considers its traditional ties with them as unequal and at times unfavorable to its interests. From historic low points in relations with US and EU, more often benefits Russia as a more powerful partner in 'marriage of convenience' with Turkey. Turkey in regions as Middle East, Balkan, Caucasus, Central Asia and some part of Africa, aims for a larger role and persistently builds its capacity to influence events. The ambitious leadership and the transformation of the cooperative and economically based Turkish policy to one more exclusive and security-oriented, confronted Turkey with a myriad of actors of various scales including global heavyweights.

Proces proširenja jedan je od ključnih vanjskopolitičkih instrumenata Europske unije. Proširenje je Europskoj uniji pomoglo reagirati na velike promjene nastale slomom socijalističkih sustava u Europi, te učvrstilo demokraciju, ljudska prava i stabilnost u državama srednje i istočne Europe koje su postale članice Europske unije. Ostatak istočnog susjedstva Europska unija obuhvatila je politikom Istočnog partnerstva s kojim je, bez obećanja perspektive članstva, planirala sličan scenarij. Međutim, nakon šest godina ta se inicijativa nije pokazala adekvatnom u rješavanju problema istočnog susjedstva, niti je približila države Istočnog partnerstva europskim vrijednostima u onoj mjeri kako je to zamišljeno unutar Europske unije. Pored toga, neuspjeh u realizaciji političkih ciljeva Istočnog partnerstva još jednom je ukazao na nedostatak jedinstva unutar Europske unije i na postojanje različitih interesa u pogledu istočnih susjeda. U isto vrijeme, nove okolnosti u istočnom susjedstvu – promjena geopolitičkog konteksta, ruska vanjska politika, Ukrajinska kriza, pojava alternativne integracije u formi Euroazijske ekonomske zajednice – pozivaju na konkretniju ulogu Europske unije prema susjedima na istoku i na redefiniranje politike Istočnog partnerstva. Ovaj rad bavi se pitanjem budućnosti politike Istočnog partnerstva, s posebnim naglaskom na mogućnost uključivanja istočnog susjedstva u širi kontekst europske politike proširenja. Iako do novih proširenja sasvim izvjesno neće doći u dogledno vrijeme, Europska unija trebala bi barem predložiti neka nova rješenja kako bi se nastavio proces približavanja država Istočnog partnerstva Europskoj uniji. S obzirom na trenutnu ekonomsku i političku situaciju u Europskoj uniji, promjene je realno očekivati jedino kroz reformu postojećih inicijativa – Istočnog partnerstva i Europske politike susjedstva. ; The enlargement process is one of the key foreign policy instruments of the European Union. Expansion of the European Union helped respond to major changes resulting from the collapse of the socialist system in Europe, and consolidate democracy, human rights and stability in the Central and Eastern European countries that became members of the European Union. European Union included the rest of the eastern neighborhoods within the policy of the Eastern Partnership with whom, without the promise of the membership perspective, planned a similar scenario. However, after six years, this initiative neither hproved to be adequate in solving the problems of the eastern neighborhood, nor brough closer the countries of the Eastern Partnership to the European values; as it was conceived within the European Union. In addition, the failure of the implementation of the political goals of the Eastern Partnership once again pointed to the lack of unity within the European Union and the existence of different interests regards eastern neighbors. At the same time, new developments in the eastern neighborhoods – changing geopolitical context, Russia's foreign policy, Ukrainian crisis, the emergence of alternative forms of integration in the Eurasian Economic Community – calling for a specific role of the European Union towards its neighbors to the east and to redefine the Eastern Partnership policy. This paper addresses the question of the future of the Eastern Partnership policy with emphasis on the possibility of including the eastern neighborhood in the wider context of EU enlargement policy. Although new enlargement quite certain will not be seen be in the foreseeable future, the European Union should at least propose some new solutions in order to continue the process of rapprochement of the countries of the Eastern Partnership to the EU . Given the current economic and political situation in the European Union, the real changes can be expected only through reform of existing initiatives – Eastern Partnership and the European Neighbourhood Policy.

Istraživanje je provedeno tijekom 2016. godine, a cilj je bio snimanjem iz zrakoplova, u drugoj polovici lipnja, otkriti nove arheološke lokalitete na području istočne Slavonije te vidjeti kako se u tom razdoblju vide već poznati lokaliteti. Snimalo se dronom u svim godišnjim dobima kako bi vidjeli je li moguće prepoznavati lokalitete u različitim uvjetima i kako ti uvjeti utječu na vidljivost poznatih lokaliteta. Prepoznato je 50-ak novih lokaliteta. ; The basis of the research was a comparative image study of 4 cyclic photogrammetric surveys made by Republic of Croatia State Geodetic Administration from 1997 to 2015. Satellite imagery and Internet geographic services, such as Google Earth, Bing maps, Croatian Internet geodetic and agricultural map services, were also extensively used in this research. Spatial analysis of aerial images was combined with Internet historical map and image. A valuable resource is also the digitalized vertical images originated before 1968, available since 2015 (Produced by Military Geographical Institute, Belgrade). Sites were selected according to the results of the above mentioned analysis, to conduct of aircraft photographic surveys in 2013 to 2016. UAVs have been used to record target areas and sites, which significantly increased the number of newly discovered sites. The satellite imagery and aerial photography data were compared with results of the systematic field survey. Consequently, more than 200 (new 50 in 2016) archaeological sites were identified throughout the area.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The paper explores the causes of the Middle East conflicts. The author considers that apart from historical & religious roots the main causes are the importance of the energy deposits, great & regional powers competition & collisions over energy resources, the complexity of water management in the region for its scarcity, traditional, religious & ethnic differences, social differentiations & conflicts, growing poverty among majority of people, demographic problems. The persistence & not solving of these problems clearly indicate that local terrorisms, wars & armed confrontations remain the ominous feature of the region, concludes the author. References. Adapted from the source document.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.