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This paper aims to analyze religion's roles related to the political activities in the contemporary Middle East. Constructivism is a framework that offers the way to understand the phenomenon. Constructivism provides a place for the influence of non-material factors such as the value, identity, and purpose of actor behavior in politics. In this article, the author examines through two levels of analysis, ie state level and regional level. At the state level, Islamic political ideology grows in a modern state and often confronts democracy. The debate over the application of Islamic law, the involvement in elections, and the adaptation of Islamic justice principles and the principle of equality are the discourses that characterize political activity in the Middle East. At the regional level, Islam exerts impact in foreign policy in the region. The regional tensions between Sunni and Shiite groups, the resistance in the context of jihad, and the emergence of ISIS are part of the conflict that contributes to regional instability. These political behaviors shows that Islam is not a religion with a single interpretation.Keywords: Islam, Middle East, constructivism, modern states, foreign policy

Unfortunately, specializing in Middle East affairs guarantees you a job for many years to come due to the complexities and interdependences that exist concerning the challenges and the crises that the region is undergoing. It is unfortunate in the sense that the peoples of the region are facing these challenges and crises, seemingly without respite. I will proceed by making ten general observations about these challenges and crises. ; N/A

Religion in the Middle East seems to define allies and enemies inside and outside the political borders. On the one hand, Shiite Iran is allies with the Iraqi government, the Houthi rebels in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon, revolutionary forces in Bahrain and the Syrian regime. On the other hand, Sunni Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States, Egypt, Turkey and Sunni elements in the region form an alliance against what they call the expansion of the Iranian influence. There is an unmistaken pattern of alliance in the Middle East, in which states, monarchies and forces seem to define their allies and enemies based on sectarian dimensions, and by which we witness a minority oppressing a majority when it is possible and vice versa across the Middle East including Israel.

The paper is an attempt to encompass the geo-political and geo-strategic fault lines which could put the region in a perpetual strategic dilemma leading to initiation of a strategic tug of war between the Middle Eastern Powers. The author has highlighted various pros and cons of establishment of an independent Kurdistan and its implications on the entire Middle Eastern Region. Moreover the author has analyzed various practical reasons behind the non-establishment of an independent state. Furthermore last part of paper focuses on the global and regional reactions on the establishment of new Kurd state followed by few policy options.

Social media determined dramatic changes in the balance of political power in the Arab world and in Israel. In the new politics of the Middle East the political environment and the communications between people are different then what used to be before 2011. Two major civil demonstrations – the Arab Spring and the Israeli Social Justice movement - were motivated by the masses through social media and received tremendous media coverage. The revolutions proved that the internet is truly a powerful tool that changed the world in ways that no government can stop social movements. The research finds similarities between the uprisings in the Arab world and in Israel, which created a new environment of "new politics." The uprisings that began on Facebook, and Twitter changed the way societies function and caused governments to change old policies. Despite the long-lasting conflict in the Middle East, involving the Palestinian issue, which traditionally occupied governments and public agenda, the uprisings raised social and economic issues. The events started with isolated acts of young people through social media and brought together people from all walks of life and across all political spectrums. The legitimacy of the protest to be considered as social revolution came only after the media started live transmissions – global media of the Arab Spring and Israel's national media services of the Social Justice movement. This proves the crucial role of traditional media, since only after the social media revolution was accepted by the media, a new reality could be created, in which the public rather than governments and social media and not the traditional media are dictating public agenda and enforcing political changes.

The paper is an attempt to encompass the geo-political and geo-strategic fault lines which could put the region in a perpetual strategic dilemma leading to initiation of a strategic tug of war between the Middle Eastern Powers. The author has highlighted various pros and cons of establishment of an independent Kurdistan and its implications on the entire Middle Eastern Region. Moreover the author has analyzed various practical reasons behind the non-establishment of an independent state. Furthermore last part of paper focuses on the global and regional reactions on the establishment of new Kurd state followed by few policy options.

The Middle-Eastern American's experience in the US underwent a dramatic shift after the terrorist attacks of September 11th.

06.03.2018 tarihli ve 30352 sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan "Yükseköğretim Kanunu İle Bazı Kanun Ve Kanun Hükmünde Kararnamelerde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun" ile 18.06.2018 tarihli "Lisansüstü Tezlerin Elektronik Ortamda Toplanması, Düzenlenmesi ve Erişime Açılmasına İlişkin Yönerge" gereğince tam metin erişime açılmıştır. ; Kimlik, günümüz Ortadoğu siyasetinde önemli bir role sahiptir. Irak, Suriye'den Yemen ve Bahreyn'e bölgesel daha küçük devletlerdeki veraset savaşları ve sivil çatışmalara dahi nüfuz eden, Sünni ve Şii İslam'ın siyasallaşmasının temsil ettiği Suudi -İran rekabetinin şemsiyesi altındaki mezhepçilik günümüzde çokça tartışılan kimlik çatışmalarının çok geniş bir biçimde tarif edilen bir biçimidir. Kimlik Çağdaş Ortadoğu'da çatışmaların özel bir özelliktir. Etkiledi ve hatta dikte vekil savaşlar ve Yemen ve Bahreyn için Irak, Suriye bölgesel küçük devletlerin sivil çatışmalar, yaygın bir biçimi olarak tanımlanır Sünni ve Şii İslam'ın siyasallaşmasına temsil Suudi-İran rekabeti çatısı altında mezhepçilik çoğunlukla kimlik çatışmaları bugün görüştü. Ortadoğu denilince akla gelen uzayıp giden Filistin-İsrail çatışması, farklı kimliklere sahip iki halkın çatışması olarak başladı. Benzer biçimde Kürt sorunu da etnik kimlik politikaları ve çatışmaları olarak karakterize olmuştur. Bu bağlamda, bu tez iki ana araştırma sorusu üzerinden harekete geçmiştir: Ortadoğu'da siyaset ve çatışmalarda etnik ve mezhepsel kimlikler ne rol oynamaktadır? ve etnik ve mezhepsel kimlik politikaları bölgedeki tüm savaşların siyasi süreçlerinde nasıl kullanılmaktadır? Ortadoğu'da çatışmalardaki kimlik politikaları üzerine yapılan literatürün büyük bir bölümü Ortadoğu tarihine kapsamlı ve açıklayıcı olması yanında, bölgesel istikrarsızlıkların kaynağında ve köklerindeki etnik ve mezhepsel kimliklerin olduğu mevcut koşulların üzerine veya ağırlıklı olarak güç mücadeleleri içinde aktörlerin kimlik politikalarını manipüle etmeleri üzerine odaklanmaktadır. Kimlik üzerine mevcut olan primordialism, araçsalcılık ve sosyal inşacılık olarak adlandırılan teorilerin bir sentezi olarak, bu çalışma mezhepsel ve etnik kimlik içinde - Ortadoğu toplumlarına ve bölgesel tarih boyunca kurulmuş içsel bir öz olarak - entegre bir teoritik model kurarak sadece politik süreçlerin üzerindeki muazzam etkisi ölçülemez, aynı zamanda politik uygulamalarda tüm düzeylerdeki siyasi aktörlerin kullanılmaları da karşılaştırılmıştır. Bu yaklaşım yukarıda sözü edilen bölgesel çatışmalara uygulanarak, bu tez uluslararası alanda etnik ve mezhepsel politikalar hakkında en hararetli tartışmalarından biri olarak Ortadoğu'da kimlik çatışmalarının arkasına sığındığı siyasi hedeflerin içyüzünü daha fazla anlayabilmek için bir çabadır. ; Identity is the special feature of conflicts in the contemporary Middle East. Sectarianism under the umbrella of the Saudi-Iran rivalry representing the politicization of Sunni and Shia Islam, which has influenced and even dictated proxy wars and civil conflicts in regional smaller states, from Iraq, Syria to Yemen and Bahrain, is widely defined as one form of mostly discussed identity conflicts today. The enduring Palestine – Israel conflict, which has been known as an integrated feature of the Middle East, started as a conflict of two peoples with distinct identities. Similarly, the Kurdish question characterizes ethnic identity politics and conflicts through the struggle of the largest people without a state in today's world map. In this context, this thesis is motivated by two main research questions: What role do ethnic and sectarian identities play in Middle East's politics and conflicts? And how ethnic and sectarian identity politics has been used in all political processes of regional wars? A major part of literature on identity politics in Middle East's conflicts has either provided a comprehensive and descriptive account of Middle East history as well as current conditions with ethnic and sectarian identities as roots and origins of regional instabilities, or focused mainly on the manipulation of identity politics by actors in their struggles for power. Synthesizing the theories on identity politics already in existence, namely primordialism, instrumentalism, and social constructionalism, this research constructed an integrated theoretical model in which sectarian and ethnic identity - one essence intrinsic to Middle East's societies and constructed alongside regional history – is not only measured by its tremendous influences on political processes; but also compared in the usage of political actors of all levels in political practices. Applying this approach to the foregoing regional conflicts, the thesis is an effort to offer more insights into ethnic and sectarian politics and the covert political goals behind identity conflicts in the Middle East that have been heatedly debated as one of the most severe global problems.

Raymond Hinnebusch is Professor of International Relations and Middle East Politics at the University of St. Andrews.

In January 2011 the Arab Uprisings brought into sharp focus a decades-long process of social and economic change that had largely been denied effective political expression in most of the Arab non-oil exporting countries of the region. Irrespective of possible political developments in the aftermath of that period, the future of most Arab countries now clearly hinges on a conundrum: in all but a few cases, reform to improve the capacity of states to meet the challenges ahead is essential, because all the alternatives are worse; but the pursuit of such reform is certain to affect long-established political, economic and social arrangements, and the privileges and interests of those who have been the primary beneficiaries of those systems. There are too many variables attached to regional politics in the Middle East to permit one to move with even modest confidence beyond the explanatory function of social science into the far more hazardous business of prediction. Common sense requires considerable caution in foreshadowing the ways in which current and emerging issues will come together, and be addressed, by the region and its leaders in coming years. ; N/A

This thesis covers the issue of Jerusalem in the Arab-Israeli conflict since the British occupation 1917, the main argument is that , contrary to assertions the conflict has defined and redefined their positions regarding the city in different occasions , the construction of nation-states and national identities have been the primary reason for the changes in the definitions. By drawing in the theory of conflict resolution and the literature of nationalism the thesis validates the core argument by close scrutiny of the positions held by the parties to the conflict

The conventional Anglophone wisdom about the Middle East is that "they" are mired in timeless, ancient antagonisms and enduring traditions: virtually changeless. Yet during the careers of today's senior scholars, there have been many surprises: the 1979 Iranian revolution, Saddam Hussein's occupation of Kuwait, two Anglo-American invasions of Iraq, the 2010/11 Arab uprisings, subsequent civil wars in Syria, Libya, Yemen, and elsewhere, and plenty of other events. Each upheaval wreaks havoc with research designs. Visas or research permits for holders of foreign passports or stipends can be revoked. Interlocutors or corner grocers may become suspicious. Security agents may follow you around, noting whom you have coffee with. Men, especially, might have their phones or laptops confiscated. A few have been brutalized. Junior scholars must be nimble, flexible, and defensive. A narrowly defined investigation, possibly framed by texts rather than interviews, is not only safe but potentially lucrative. Interpreting "local voices" brings them to "foreign" audiences and encourages dialogue.

Defence date: 1 December 1994 ; Examining board: Prof. David Baldwin (Columbia University, New York) ; Prof. Pierre Hassner (CERI, IEP, Paris) ; Prof. Steven Lukes (EUI, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Susan Strange (University of Warwick, supervisor) ; Prof. Ole Waever (Centre for Peace and Conflict Research, Copenhagen)

Shia/Sunni sectarianism figures prominently in post-Arab uprising claims that the Middle East is witnessing a darker kind of authoritarianism drawing on exclusionary and xenophobic forms of identity politics. This article explores whether sectarianism per se is associated with a distinct form of identity politics or if authoritarian techniques involving the use of the 'sectarian card' should be subsumed under a broader category of authoritarian identity politics involving the inclusion or exclusion of social groups based on identity and implemented with varying degrees of repression. The article shows how Brubaker's analytical distinction between a 'diacritical' and 'normative ordering power' understanding of religious identities gives rise to different expectations in regard to whether sectarianism leads to different and more violent forms of repression than other forms of identity politics. Against this background, the article compares authoritarian identity politics in Bahrain, Kuwait, Jordan, and Egypt, which all differ from each other both in terms of the importance of a Shia/Sunni distinction compared to other identity cleavages, and also as regards the intensity and level of the regime's response to the Arab uprisings. From this comparison five general lessons about sectarianism and authoritarian identity politics can be drawn.

Is it reasonable to label State institutions as a "terrorist organizations"? This study is aimed to establish if a political party represented in a national parliament – or even a State or a Government as a whole – can be considered a "terror organization", and therefore proscribed as such. Through the analysis of some cases stories, this research assesses the legitimacy – or the lawfulness – of some political institutions in the Middle East. The essay scrutinizes, inter alia, the case of Hezbollah ("Party of Allah" or "Party of God"), a radical Islamic Shiite organization based in Lebanon, and the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas), a Sunni movement based in Gaza, both backed by the Government of Tehran – Iran as a whole is also taken into account. To have a broader framework in the region, this analysis touches also on: Turkey, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Afghanistan under Taliban rule. ; This study was supported by the European Social Fund (FSE) and by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, under research grant No. SFRH/BD/136170/2018. The participation in this conference was possible thanks to the funding by the Military Academy Research Center (CINAMIL), Portuguese Army, Ministry of National Defence (MDN), Portugal