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Purpose The study aims to examine the military-connected firms' risk preference, specifically in the innovation intensity level context. The authors argue that firms with military-experienced top management have conservative and risk-averse behavior, influencing the innovation investment policy. Design/methodology/approach The authors use nonfinancial Indonesian-listed firms from 2010 to 2018 amounted to 2,504 firm-year observations. Findings The authors document a negative relationship between military connection with both innovation activities and outputs. The additional analysis documents that risk-preferences of military-connected firms will be drastically changed when the industry has a high digital level, which confirms that risk-averse military-experienced management is less dominant with adaptation skill. The authors also identify that veterans did not need a long tenure to influence firms' innovation investment policy. Lastly, the result is robust due to various endogeneity tests employed. Originality/value This study further examines military-connected firms' technological innovation compared to prior studies and enriches the related literature.

Purpose One of the strongest connections in politics in developing countries is through military links. This study aims to examine the auditor choice preference of the militarily-connected firms in Indonesia, an emerging country where there is a strong influence from the military on political decision-making. Design/methodology/approach The analysis used 3,473 firms-year observations listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange spanning from 2003 to 2017 using regression and other statistical tests. Findings The results reveal that firms with a militarily-connected director are less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors. Using the military reform as a natural experiment, the finding shows that militarily-connected firms did not change their auditor choice preference even after the military reform. Interestingly, I find that connected firms are associated with high earnings management. In addition, the different retirement position level and military affiliations of the connected directors generate different outcomes related to the auditor choice decision. Overall, the results indicate that militarily-connected firms were less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors both before and after the military reforms. These results are robust, even after the author controlled for political connections, year fixed effects and industry fixed effects. Research limitations/implications Because of the limitations of the prior literature on military connections, this study is developed based on the assumption that the militarily-connected directors have identical behavior whether they serve in either public or private companies. However, this assumption could be invalid which potentially affects the interpretation of some of the results in this study. Originality/value This paper provides direct evidence of the auditor choice preference of firms with a military connection. The evidence builds on the existing literature on the difference in auditor choice preference between politically and militarily-connected firms.

Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.

This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.

The presence of foreign firms in a region can create spillovers to other firms, both within the intra-industries (industries itself) and inter-industries (other industries). Spillover from foreign firms can be in the form of technology transfer, efficiency improvement, managerial knowledge which ultimately is expected to increase productivity for other firms not only in large enterprises but also for micro small and medium enterprises (MSMEs). Hence, this paper aims to identify the potential backward spillover of foreign firms to MSMEs in East Java and the individual results show that the four highest backward spillovers values of foreign industries are industry of components and spare parts of the prime mover motor, industry of agricultural and forestry machinery and services for supporting, maintenance and repair, industry of pump and compressor and industry of measurement tools, manual regulator and testing. All of them are respectively located in Surabaya City, Pasuruan District, Pasuruan District and Mojekerto District. Furthermore, the general results show that the potential backward spillover exists in rubber, rubber goods and plastic goods industries as well as chemicals and goods from chemical material industries. The foreign firms which have highest backward spillovers are located in Pasuruan District, Mojekerto District, Sidoarjo District, Surabaya City and Gresik District. Therefore, the provincial government of East Java should immediately prepare and support both technically and financially to MSMEs in providing raw materials required by foreign firms based on the industrial classification and location results of this study. In addition, the provincial government of East Java can coordinate with the district governments in the areas of those foreign firms for preparing MSMEs in supplying raw materials.

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

This study investigates the potential horizontal and vertical spillovers from FDI towards firms' efficiency level on Indonesian manufacturing industries, using firm-level panel data. The result suggests that positive evidence of horizontal spillovers arise instantaneously, but the impacts of vertical spillovers appear a year later. These indicate that foreign competitors cause local firms more efficient in the same industry. Furthermore, after one period of time MNCs running their business in Indonesia, they bring positive impacts on downstream markets but deteriorate manufacturing industries in the upstream markets. Therefore, the Indonesian government must ensure that overall benefits from promoting FDI must overweight their negative impacts.

The 2007 Indonesian investment law granted national treatment for foreign investors, establishing a transparent 'negative list' for out-of-bonds investment sectors, and has been considired as a reformative regulation in Indonesia's economic strategy. However, decentralized systems give autonomy to local governments to manage their projects and infrastructure themselves. This leads into increasiig investment burdens through their opaque measures that are creating perceptions of risk for foreign investors. As a result, lack of legal certainty, inconsistent regulations and judiciary system would hamter investments. This article argues that law 25/2007 should be supported by a comprehensive investment policy to attract more foreign investors into Indonesia. A key element in establishing a competitive region is a free and open investment regime, This article addresses policy impediment to private investment in Indonesia as well as in the ASEAN region. Indonesia and ASEAN should have non-discriminatory treatment extended to foreign investors including ASEAN-based inveitors, as the establishment of ASEAN Economic community (AEC) will cornmence in 2015. Legal certainty of international business transaction by private investors is fostering investments by both direct investment and indirect investment (portfolio). Parties to investment agreements include individuals, small, medium and large multinational corporations, and countries. In this centralized global atmosphere, the Indonesian agovemment has to provide guarantees to leverage private investments.

Foreign direct investment is the largest source of external funds in both developed and developing countries. Some literature explains that one of the barriers to investment flow is corruption. Thus, this study aims to determine the effect of corruption as measured by the corruption perception index on foreign direct investment. Corruption is a political risk that affects the flow of foreign direct investment. The estimation results of the Generalized Method of Moment (GMM) show that the corruption perception index has a significant positive effect on foreign direct investment. The author also uses market seeking and efficiency seeking variables as potential factors that influence investors to direct foreign direct investment.

This study aims to determine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange to the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). This study will examine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange during the periods 2007-2010 and 2012-2015. The variables used in this study are IFRS and foreign ownership. It finds that the obligation of IFRS does not affect the development of foreign investment in Indonesia, because accounting standards in Indonesia have been adjusted to IFRS since 2008 and investment decisions are not only influenced by standard accounting policies, but also by other factors, such as the economic and political conditions of a country. This study is motivated by the results of previous studies regarding the reaction of foreign ownership of IFRS adoption, which is still controversial. Some studies suggest that IFRS adoption increases information appeal and can attract foreign investment, while other research states that IFRS adoption will not necessarily increase the number of shares held by foreign investors.

This study aims to determine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange to the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). This study will examine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange during the periods 2007-2010 and 2012-2015. The variables used in this study are IFRS and foreign ownership. It finds that the obligation of IFRS does not affect the development of foreign investment in Indonesia, because accounting standards in Indonesia have been adjusted to IFRS since 2008 and investment decisions are not only influenced by standard accounting policies, but also by other factors, such as the economic and political conditions of a country. This study is motivated by the results of previous studies regarding the reaction of foreign ownership of IFRS adoption, which is still controversial. Some studies suggest that IFRS adoption increases information appeal and can attract foreign investment, while other research states that IFRS adoption will not necessarily increase the number of shares held by foreign investors.

This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.

Religious and cultural pluralism in society can initially Posoacculturation establish the values among migrants with indigenous peoples,on further developments, have taken place between the social disintegrationAmong of them, as a result of the escalation of conflicts horizontal, for a variety of interestsgrowing, especially the expansion of economic and political institutions apparatussecurity. (Military and police) and religious and cultural pluralism imagedas a zone of still volatile, so that the imaging strengthen. The existence of a conflict region as a market force.A balanced division of strategic positions in government withrepresenting Christian and Muslim communities should be governed by clearlocal regulation and other rules or mechanisms in mind The conflict became a powerful issue. The security forces should be acting professionally make Indonesia secure and peaceful, the circulation of the various means of violence, such as firearms and bombs in Indonesia also business security forces in the conflict zone is security indicators are not handled in a professional manner. On the other hand required maximum effort and courage attitude of the government, especially the law enforcement agencies to bring those involved in cases of corruption and military violence should be given a participation in the strengthening of base- civil basis, such as combating corruption and strengthening peace program division of tasks and functions of a clear distinction between the security forces and society civilians can help realize a peaceful ofIndonesia