The aim of the article is to systemically analyse the associations of war and the morality of community. Recently military conflicts became more frequent all over the world. It is noticed that military conflicts have the tendency to repeat and to gain chain reaction, when the wave of war affects many countries. General level of human aggressiveness has influence for the beginning of war. But the presidents of the countries with psychopathic personalities are at the starting point of the war. They possess the power and transfer their personal negative features to a conflict with another country. This is the reason why electing a president is such a responsible act, when society must pay attention not only to the election programme, but also to candidate's morality and hierarchy of values. We have to remember that peace begins in our minds and all of us are responsible for peace in our country and all over the world.
The aim of the article is to systemically analyse the associations of war and the morality of community. Recently military conflicts became more frequent all over the world. It is noticed that military conflicts have the tendency to repeat and to gain chain reaction, when the wave of war affects many countries. General level of human aggressiveness has influence for the beginning of war. But the presidents of the countries with psychopathic personalities are at the starting point of the war. They possess the power and transfer their personal negative features to a conflict with another country. This is the reason why electing a president is such a responsible act, when society must pay attention not only to the election programme, but also to candidate's morality and hierarchy of values. We have to remember that peace begins in our minds and all of us are responsible for peace in our country and all over the world.
There are about 2.2 million prisoners in the USA. It is generally viewed that this number is a result of a too severe penal system connected with the introduction of the absolute intolerance for drug crimes policy. But not only gang members and drug dealers are doing time in prison, this system also applies to war veterans. In 2012, there were 181,500 veterans behind bars, especially participants of the recent wars. Most of them face problems with addiction or struggle with permanent unemployment, homelessness or psychological disorders. This phenomenon is alarming because veterans as a privileged group have a social, medical, education cover and all capabilities not to break the law. Veterans as former soldiers, disciplined and well familiar with criminal law, who received ethics and international humanitarian law training courses, from practical point of view should not break the rules stated by the legal system. The image of former veterans who served their country, totally disagree with penitentiary statistics. Recent years have shown that military service, especially in the area of conflict, may become a double-edged sword, and in fact veterans may pose a threat to society.
We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.
We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.
The Polish Slavophile concepts at the time of the Second World War were part and parcel of the general tendencies and suggestions based on the assumption that Poland's future, political power, and safety will be guaranteed through the tightening of its links with other states of the East-Central and Southern Europe. The said territories were predominantly inhabited by the Slavs, who found themselves in the war time under threat of losing the very foundations of their national and political existence, so it was, in a sense, natural that many theorists and publicists representing various political orientations saw the ethnic affinity of the Slavs as an important factor in bringing together the nations of Central Europe. This did not have to imoly any deep theoretical consequences, but, as in the past, the historical affinities, and the sense of an ethnic solidarity inspired the creation of political programmes and entire historical and philosophical systems based on the utopian conviction that the blood relationship and the cultural and linguistic links will enable the Slavs to unite politically, economically, and even spiritually and to form, together with some non-Slavonic but culturally close nations, akind of Central European community (a federation, a confederacy, a union, an empire etc.), which would also give some new quality to the dvilisational development of the whole international community. Such convictions, based on the myth of the Slavonic unity, could be found in the thought of all the main ideological and political currents of Poland's independence movement, apart from the socialists and the last remnants of Pilsudski's followers, and in many circles existing on the margins of the main political formations. Various political forces had their different, depending on their ideological colouring, models of the Slavonic community and saw differently its tasks, possibilities, and character. The political and military groupings which represented the nationalistic, or national Catholic, orientation, such as the "Secession" National Party, The National Armed Forces, the Confederacy of the Nation, saw the Slavonic ethnic unity as a chance to construct a Greater Poland, and multiply the power of the nation through links with other nations seen as "close in blood and spirit", i.e. mainly the West Slavonic ones. Similar conceptions could encountered among the Christian Democratic, or rather national-Catholic circles (such as the Union, or the Party of Labour) with the difference that they put more emphasis on the reconstruction by the civilisationally still immature Slavonic nations of "the ideals of liberty and Christian ethics", and of international and interpersonal relations based on the Christian morality. For the political forces representing the peasants' movement (the "Roch" Popular Party, the "Orka" Union of the peasants' Labour) the Slavonic idea was a natural completion of the concept of the union of the Saving nations of East-Central Europe, whose population was largely composed of peasants, on the basis of agrarianism. The theories about the dvilisational backwardness of the Slavs combined here with a fascination with the peasantry; and with the belief that the peasants, representing the healthiest, morally and spiritually, part of the nation, and being intimately linked to the soil, can understand better than others the ideals of freedom and democracy. The attitude of the democratic political forces, mainly the Democratic Party, to the Slavonic idea, was, on the other hand, usually devoid of elements of mysticism and exaltation; and might be called the most rational. In this case, the Slavonic community, based naturally on the linguistic and cultural affinities, was to be ideologically founded on the Slavs' understanding of the community of interests, especially with regard to the safety of the Central European region. In the case, however, of the Polish Workers', the Union of Polish Patriots in the USSR, and later the groupings connected with the National State Council, the Slavonic idea was understood as the safeguarding of Poland's interests and those of the other states of the region by means of an alliance and close co-operation with the Soviet Union and the Slavonic nations that inhabited it. It is worth emphasising that the Polish concepts of the Slavonic co-operation from the period of the Second World War only rarely postulated that the Slavonic nations should "merge" into one biological and spiritual whole. Instead, we have to do with proposals to form a more or less integrated confederate state or a union of states.
W artykule przyglądam się temu, jaką edukację polityczną warto rozwijać we współczesnej polskiej szkole i wszędzie tam, gdzie buduje się w ludziach zdolność do wspólnej i niewyalienowanej pracy. Kierunek rozważań wyznaczyła konieczność ustosunkowania się myśli pedagogicznej – i równoległego dostosowania praktyk wychowawczych – do zmian w sposobie koordynacji społeczeństwa, które dokonują się w atmosferze groźby wybuchu wojny. Rozważania te buduję na dotychczasowych badaniach własnych z obszaru uczenia się w ruchach społecznych, analizując trzy porządki zapewniające koordynację społeczeństw (neoliberalizm, nacjonalizm, militaryzm) w kontekście wykluczanych przez nie wartości: dobra wspólnego, samorządu i pokoju. Rezultatem pracy jest matryca przyporządkowująca te kontrwartości różnym typom współpracy (koordynacji, kooperacji i kolaboracji). Matryca pozwala identyfikować specyfikę konkretnych przykładów mobilizacji społecznej, jak i rozpoznawać luki w kształceniu kolektywnych umiejętności współdziałania. Rezultaty analizy pozwalają zoperacjonalizować praktyki oporu pod kątem celów wychowania i stawiają w nowym świetle problemy powiązań i nawarstwiania się wrogich szkole ideologii neoliberalizmu, nacjonalizmu i militaryzmu. ; The paper analyses types of political education worth developing in contemporary Polish schools and in other places dedicated to building human capacity to work together in a non-alienated way. The analysis is based on my own research from the area of learning in social movements. I analyze three orders ensuring social coordination (neoliberalism, nationalism, and militarism) in the context of the values they exclude: the common good, self-government and peace. The result of the work is a matrix assigning these counter-values, accordingly, to coordination, cooperation and collaboration. 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