Suchergebnisse

Wszystkie państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej zostały zobligowane przez Traktat ustanawiający Wspólnotę Europejską oraz Protokół w sprawie Statutu Europejskiego Systemu Banków Centralnych i Europejskiego Banku Centralnego do zapewnienia swoim bankom centralnym wysokiego poziomu niezależności oraz wprowadzenia zakazu bezpośredniego finansowania sektora publicznego przez banki centralne. Osiągniecie standardów nakreślonych przez prawo unijne w tym zakresie jest także jednym z warunków, które, przed dniem akcesji, muszą spełnić kraje kandydujące do członkostwa w Wspólnotach Europejskich. Bułgaria, Rumunia i Chorwacja osiągnęły już wysoki poziom zbieżności swojego prawa z wymogami stawianymi przez Unię Europejską. Zakres niezbędnych zmian w zakresie regulacji dotyczących banków centralnych jest nieduży i łatwy do przeprowadzenia. Zupełnie inaczej, mimo podjęcia pierwszych reform, przedstawia się sytuacja Turcji. Niezależności banku centralnego tego kraju wymaga wzmocnienia niemal we wszystkich aspektach. ; After the enlargement of the European Union to ten new Member States on 1 May 2004, they are four candidate countries: Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Turkey. In order to join the Union, they need to fulfil the economical and political conditions known as the Copenhagen criteria. Especially, the candidate States must adopt the common rules, standards and policies that make up the body of European Union law. European Union legislation on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) contains specific rules requiring the independence of central banks in Member States and prohibiting direct financing of public sector by the central banks. These rules must have been implemented by the date of accession. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia have taken major steps forward and have achieved a high level of alignment with the EMU-related acquis. However, some aspects of legislation on central bank independence need to be further corrected. Turkey's overall alignment concerning the EMU acquis is limited. The independence of the central bank should be further strengthened, particularly on the determination of the inflation target, on in the area of personal and institutional independence.

After the enlargement of the European Union to ten new Member States on 1 May 2004, they are four candidate countries: Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Turkey. In order to join the Union, they need to fulfil the economical and political conditions known as the Copenhagen criteria. Especially, the candidate States must adopt the common rules, standards and policies that make up the body of European Union law. European Union legislation on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) contains specific rules requiring the independence of central banks in Member States and prohibiting direct financing of public sector by the central banks. These rules must have been implemented by the date of accession. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia have taken major steps forward and have achieved a high level of alignment with the EMU-related acquis. However, some aspects of legislation on central bank independence need to be further corrected. Turkey's overall alignment concerning the EMU acquis is limited. The independence of the central bank should be further strengthened, particularly on the determination of the inflation target, on in the area of personal and institutional independence. ; Wszystkie państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej zostały zobligowane przez Traktat ustanawiający Wspólnotę Europejską oraz Protokół w sprawie Statutu Europejskiego Systemu Banków Centralnych i Europejskiego Banku Centralnego do zapewnienia swoim bankom centralnym wysokiego poziomu niezależności oraz wprowadzenia zakazu bezpośredniego finansowania sektora publicznego przez banki centralne. Osiągniecie standardów nakreślonych przez prawo unijne w tym zakresie jest także jednym z warunków, które, przed dniem akcesji, muszą spełnić kraje kandydujące do członkostwa w Wspólnotach Europejskich. Bułgaria, Rumunia i Chorwacja osiągnęły już wysoki poziom zbieżności swojego prawa z wymogami stawianymi przez Unię Europejską. Zakres niezbędnych zmian w zakresie regulacji dotyczących banków centralnych jest nieduży i łatwy do przeprowadzenia. Zupełnie inaczej, mimo podjęcia pierwszych reform, przedstawia się sytuacja Turcji. Niezależności banku centralnego tego kraju wymaga wzmocnienia niemal we wszystkich aspektach.

The study investigates genesis of the European Union Social Policy and the changes in common social issue over the years. The European Union is not only economic and monetary integration, it is also unify the activities in the social areas. Integration endeavors are not only based on the European Union further enlargement to new members, but also are based on adoption of new regulations on social issues, with the need to enforce them by the Member States. EU regulations only of an economic nature, without social guidelines may lead to incomplete and unstable functioning of the European Union and Single European Market. Over the past decade, the process of European integration has intensified and included more issues and life areas, therefore the position of social policy has strengthen consistently. The increasing globalization and regionalization of economic and social life causes more important role for international institutions such as the European Union, in solving various social matters. European countries are more acutely affected by problems such as high unemployment, poverty, social exclusion and the progressive aging of the population. Consequently cooperation at EU level can lead to stop these processes and can find ways to eliminate the negative effects that appeared among the citizens of Europe.

The monetary policy of NBP realized in 1990-2004 has deeply changed. On the one hand the changes were institutional, on the other one – they concerned modifications of the shape of monetary policy, either in its goals and strategies or in its instruments. Among the institutional changes the most significant were the changes of the acts on banking, made in 1989, 1992, 1997 and in 2001. Due to those changes, the realization of the monetary policy in Poland shall be assessed in two characteristic periods, different in qualitative features: 1990-1997 and 1998-2004. At the beginning the monetary policy, meant traditionally, was realized in accordance with the hierarchic structure of goals, so called triad of goals. Later, after coming into force of a new Act on Banking (1997) and appearing of possibility of joining the European Union, the monetary policy started to be realized according to the BCI conception. The paper deals with the critical analysis of the monetary policy realized in existing surrounding in both mentioned periods. ; Polityka pieniężna realizowana w latach 1990-2004 uległa głębokim przemianom. Z jednej strony miały one charakter instytucjonalny, a z drugiej - dotyczyły przeobrażeń kształtu polityki pieniężnej, tak w zakresie celów i strategii, jak i instrumentów tej polityki. Wśród zmian instytucjonalnych najistotniejszą rolę odegrały zmiany prawa bankowego, które dokonały się w 1989, 1992 i 1997 oraz 2001 roku. Stosownie do tych zmian realizację polityki pieniężnej w Polsce można oceniać w dwóch charakterystycznych, odmiennych pod względem cech jakościowych, okresach: 1990−1997 oraz 1998−2004. Początkowo polityka pieniężna, ujmowana tradycyjnie, realizowana była zgodnie z hierarchiczną strukturą celów, tzw. triadą celów. Następnie po wejściu w życie nowego Prawa bankowego (z 1997 r.) oraz w perspektywie członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej – zaczęto realizować ją zgodnie z koncepcją BCI. Artykuł przeprowadza krytyczną analizę polityki pieniężnej w obu tych okresach w kontekście istniejącego otoczenia gospodarczego.

Polityka pieniężna realizowana w latach 1990-2004 uległa głębokim przemianom. Z jednej strony miały one charakter instytucjonalny, a z drugiej - dotyczyły przeobrażeń kształtu polityki pieniężnej, tak w zakresie celów i strategii, jak i instrumentów tej polityki. Wśród zmian instytucjonalnych najistotniejszą rolę odegrały zmiany prawa bankowego, które dokonały się w 1989, 1992 i 1997 oraz 2001 roku. Stosownie do tych zmian realizację polityki pieniężnej w Polsce można oceniać w dwóch charakterystycznych, odmiennych pod względem cech jakościowych, okresach: 1990−1997 oraz 1998−2004. Początkowo polityka pieniężna, ujmowana tradycyjnie, realizowana była zgodnie z hierarchiczną strukturą celów, tzw. triadą celów. Następnie po wejściu w życie nowego Prawa bankowego (z 1997 r.) oraz w perspektywie członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej – zaczęto realizować ją zgodnie z koncepcją BCI. Artykuł przeprowadza krytyczną analizę polityki pieniężnej w obu tych okresach w kontekście istniejącego otoczenia gospodarczego. ; The monetary policy of NBP realized in 1990-2004 has deeply changed. On the one hand the changes were institutional, on the other one – they concerned modifications of the shape of monetary policy, either in its goals and strategies or in its instruments. Among the institutional changes the most significant were the changes of the acts on banking, made in 1989, 1992, 1997 and in 2001. Due to those changes, the realization of the monetary policy in Poland shall be assessed in two characteristic periods, different in qualitative features: 1990-1997 and 1998-2004. At the beginning the monetary policy, meant traditionally, was realized in accordance with the hierarchic structure of goals, so called triad of goals. Later, after coming into force of a new Act on Banking (1997) and appearing of possibility of joining the European Union, the monetary policy started to be realized according to the BCI conception. The paper deals with the critical analysis of the monetary policy realized in existing surrounding in both mentioned periods.

The mission of the European Community and later the European Union was to take all actions that reduce disparities in economic development among Member States and their regions. These objectives were achieved through creating a customs union, a single European market and economic and monetary union, and the introduction and implementation of trade, agricultural, cohesion, competition policies. The problem of obtaining financial resources that would allow the EU to fulfill the tasks assigned to it by treaties and other legal acts is inseparable from the functioning of the European Union. The EU needs to raise new own resources. In recent years there have been proposals for the introduction of new own resources in the form of a uniform VAT which would apply equally to all Member States and in the form of a tax on financial transactions. The principal disadvantage of the new methodology for calculating own resource based on VAT on supplies of goods and services, acquisitions and imports subject to the standard rate of VAT in each Member State is its complexity. Despite the efforts made, the abovementioned taxes still will not be typical own resource that directly supplies the budget of the European Union. They will still be transferred through state agencies or economic entities for tax on financial transactions and they will continue to be dependent on the systems and tax rates of each Member State.

In this paper an attempt is made to outline the views on the transformation of the former GDR formulated in the German scientific literature. Due to the limited scope of the paper and the magnitude and complexity of the phenomena, discussion is limited to the most important and most controversial - according to the author - aspects around which discussions were held between leading economists from academia and politicians. The study starts with a brief introduction regarding the merits of the transformation of the economic order of the former GDR. Further outlines early assessments of the economic condition of Eastern Germany and ideas on eventual reunification of the country. Then, following, if possible, the chronological order, an overview is provided of the most important assessment about elements of a new order, such as the monetary union and the deregulation of prices, changes in the ownership structure, the creation of the institutional framework and the situation on the labor market and financial transfers. The main scientific method applied is analysis of literature, evaluation of official documents and historical analysis.

The Polish presidency in the Council of the EU has been determined by a financial crisis. However the question could be solved only by the Member States which belong to the Eurogroup led by its own President Jean-Claude Juncker and at the highest level by the Heads of States or Governments in the framework of the European Council. In addition a form of an international agreement was chosen as an instrument to introduce new solutions in the economic and monetary policy of the EU. Such a form is not foreseen in the Treaty on the European Union, in particular Article 48 TEU. In a doctrine it is called a "Schengen modus", then a way to reform the Union without a long process of ratification of an amending treaty by all the Member States. At the same time the Schengen modus may lead to a creation of different integration centers. All the above mentioned circumstances on the one hand have reduced a spectrum of the Polish activity and on the other hand indicated on a domination of an intergovernmental method, called by the Chancellor Angela Merkel a "Unions method", in the European governance. In this context provisions of the Article 12.3 of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance which allows the Contracting Parties, other than those whose currency is the euro to participate in discussions of Euro Summit meetings concerning competitiveness for the Contracting Parties, the modification of the global architecture of the euro area and the fundamental rules that will apply to it in the future, as well as, when appropriate and at least once a year, in discussions on specific issues of implementation of the Treaty, may be regarded as a certain success of the Polish presidency.

The book by Luciano Bardi, Wojciech Gagatek, Carine Germond, Karl Magnus Johansson, Wolfram Keiser, Silvia Sassano, "The European Ambition. The Group of the European People's Party and European Integration" is the result of the six authors' cooperation and research on the evolution and activities of the Christian Democratic Group (CD) and then the European People's Party (EPP). It constitutes a contribution to a series of publications analyzing the evolution of the European political groupings and their unique influence on the politics and development of the European Union. In the first part of the work, Wolfram Keiser characterizes the genesis, nature and evolution of the CD/EPP Group. In this chapter, author does not shy away from showing the political and historical background of the decisions made by the EPP. In the second chapter we find an in-depth analysis of the impact that the EPP had on the development of further institutional reforms and preparation of the EU treaties, including an exceptional impact on the constitutionalization and strengthening of the position of the European Parliament (EP). Carine Germond in the third part analyzes the role of the Group in creating and conducting policy within the European Union. She chose four most important areas: economic and monetary policy, social, ecological/environmental and agricultural policy for her analysis. Chapter four offers considerations on the impact and shaping of another important sphere – the EU's external relations, including foreign security and defense, trade (including foreign trade), development policy and finally the EU enlargement policy. In chapter five, Luciano Bardi deals with the EPP from the perspective a political party and its influence on the development of the European party system. He placed the analysis of the EPP's position as a key actor on the European Parliament's party scene in the context of the EPP's role in relations with EU institutions, in the foreground with the EP, but also with the Commission and the European Council. The work is based on the analysis of program documents, election manifestos of one of the most important political groups at the pan-European level, which have still the greatest influence on political decisions made in the EU. It must be stressed, this is valuable and very interesting work, and the reader will certainly not be disappointed with this publication.

Artykuł przedstawia zmiany systemowe wprowadzone w Polsce po 1989 r., które umożliwiły przejście z gospodarki centralnie sterowanej do wolnorynkowej. Podjęcie głębokich i szerokim reform o charakterze prawnym, gospodarczym i społecznym pozwoliło na ukształtowanie demokratycznego ustroju po wielu latach sprawowania władzy komunistycznej. Transformacja systemowa była możliwa dzięki znaczącym przemianom podstaw prawnych, począwszy od zmian w ustawie zasadniczej, określającej istotę prawa własności i obowiązek jego poszanowania, poprzez uchwalenie innych aktów prawnych koniecznych do zmiany stosunków własnościowych (takich jak ustawy o komercjalizacji i prywatyzacji przedsiębiorstw państwowych, prawa o działalności gospodarczej czy ustawy o gospodarowaniu nieruchomościami rolnymi). Równoległe reformy systemu bankowego oraz polityki pieniężno-kredytowej umożliwiły napływ kapitału zagranicznego i pozwoliły na rozwój prywatnej przedsiębiorczości. W wyniku przemian ustrojowych, jakie zaszły w ostatnich 25 latach, Polska jako demokratyczne państwo prawa jest członkiem Unii Europejskiej, a polska gospodarka rynkowa staje się coraz bardziej konkurencyjna. Niestety, mimo głębokich przekształceń w sferze własnościowej, Polska przez ostatnie ćwierćwiecze nie rozwiązała kwestii zwrotu prawowitym właścicielom własności przejętej bezprawnie przez władze komunistyczne. ; This paper presents structural changes that took place in Poland after 1989, and which enabled its transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy. The deep and thorough legal, economic and social reforms undertaken in that period made it possible, after years of communist rule, to shape a new, democratic system. The systemic transformation was possibleowing to some basic amendments to the Constitution, including the articles defining the essence of ownership and the duty to respect it, as well as the adoption of other legal acts necessary to re-define ownership relationships (such as the law on commercialisation and privatisation of state-owned enterprises, or the law on the management of agricultural property). The concurrent reforms of the banking system and the monetary and credit policy enabled inflow of foreign capital and development of private entrepreneurship. As a result of the transformations of the past 25 years, Poland is now a democratic state and a member of the European Union, while Polish economy is getting increasingly competitive. Sadly enough, despite these substantial structural transformations in the ownership sphere, in the last quarter of the century Poland has continued to be unable to resolve the problem of returning to the lawful owners the property taken by the communist regime.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.