"Mad Money" (Manchester University Press, 1998) is the completely rewritten and updated version of "Casino Capitalism" (Blackwells, 1986). It has been suggested —of both volumes— that there was no theory underlying Strange's discussion of the international financial system in them. This she argues in this Working Paper is emphatically not the case, Both volumes always implicitly, and often explicitly, are underpinned by the dominant themes that are reflected in Strange's work since the publication of "International Relations and International Economics: A Case of Mutual Neglect", International Affairs, 46 (2) 1970. These themes are threefold: Firstly a need to privilege the politics of the international financial system in the study of international relations; a discipline too long myopic in its focus on violent conflict and war between states at the expense of all else. (ii) A need to go beyond liberal political and economic theory and recognise the significance of "structural power" in the international system. (iii) A need to recognise that "the areas of significant ignorance" in our understanding of the role of the international financial system in an era of technological revolution and globalisation are becoming greater rather than smaller. For Strange, the structural power of capital is not constant and, therefore, cannot be accommodated in the logic of liberal economics. Thus, using the dictionary definition of mad —erratic, unpredictable, irrational behaviour, damaging not only to sufferers but also to others— we have, as she puts it "mad money". ; Mad Money (Manchester University Press, 1998) es la versión completamente reescrita y actualizada de Casino Capitalism (Blackwells, 1986). Se ha sugerido —de ambos volúmenes— que no había en ellos una teoría subyacente en la discusión de Strange sobre el sistema financiero internacional. Esto, argumenta Strange en este working paper, no es en absoluto el caso. Los dos volúmenes se sustentan, siempre implícitamente y a veces explícitamente, en los temas dominantes del trabajo de Strange desde la publicación de "International Relations and International Economics: A Case of Mutual Neglect", International Affairs, 46, (2), 1970. Se trata de tres temas: primero, una necesidad de privilegiar las políticas del sistema financiero internacional en el estudio de las relaciones internacionales; una disciplina miope desde hace mucho, concentrada en el conflicto violento y en la guerra entre estados, a expensas de todo el resto. Segundo, una necesidad de ir más alla de la teoría política y económica liberal y de reconocer el significado del "poder estructural" en el sistema internacional. Tercero, una necesidad de reconocer que las "áreas de ignorancia significativa" dentro de nuestra comprensión del rol del sistema financiero internacional en una era de revolución tecnológica y globalización son cada vez mayores. Para Strange, el poder estructural del capital no es constante y, por ende, no puede acomodarse en la lógica de la economía liberal. Así, usando la definición de "loco" del diccionario —comportamiento errático, impredecible e irracional que daña no solo a quien lo sufre sino también a otros—, tenemos, como ella dice, un "dinero loco".
Mad Money (Manchester University Press, 1998) es la versión completamente reescrita y actualizada de Casino Capitalism (Blackwells, 1986). Se ha sugerido —de ambos volúmenes— que no había en ellos una teoría subyacente en la discusión de Strange sobre el sistema financiero internacional. Esto, argumenta Strange en este working paper, no es en absoluto el caso. Los dos volúmenes se sustentan, siempre implícitamente y a veces explícitamente, en los temas dominantes del trabajo de Strange desde la publicación de "International Relations and International Economics: A Case of Mutual Neglect", International Affairs, 46, (2), 1970. Se trata de tres temas: primero, una necesidad de privilegiar las políticas del sistema financiero internacional en el estudio de las relaciones internacionales; una disciplina miope desde hace mucho, concentrada en el conflicto violento y en la guerra entre estados, a expensas de todo el resto. Segundo, una necesidad de ir más alla de la teoría política y económica liberal y de reconocer el significado del "poder estructural" en el sistema internacional. Tercero, una necesidad de reconocer que las "áreas de ignorancia significativa" dentro de nuestra comprensión del rol del sistema financiero internacional en una era de revolución tecnológica y globalización son cada vez mayores. Para Strange, el poder estructural del capital no es constante y, por ende, no puede acomodarse en la lógica de la economía liberal. Así, usando la definición de "loco" del diccionario —comportamiento errático, impredecible e irracional que daña no solo a quien lo sufre sino también a otros—, tenemos, como ella dice, un "dinero loco". ; Mad Money" (Manchester University Press, 1998) is the completely rewritten and updated version of "Casino Capitalism" (Blackwells, 1986). It has been suggested —of both volumes— that there was no theory underlying Strange's discussion of the international financial system in them. This she argues in this Working Paper is emphatically not the case, Both volumes always implicitly, and often explicitly, are underpinned by the dominant themes that are reflected in Strange's work since the publication of "International Relations and International Economics: A Case of Mutual Neglect", International Affairs, 46 (2) 1970. These themes are threefold: Firstly a need to privilege the politics of the international financial system in the study of international relations; a discipline too long myopic in its focus on violent conflict and war between states at the expense of all else. (ii) A need to go beyond liberal political and economic theory and recognise the significance of "structural power" in the international system. (iii) A need to recognise that "the areas of significant ignorance" in our understanding of the role of the international financial system in an era of technological revolution and globalisation are becoming greater rather than smaller. For Strange, the structural power of capital is not constant and, therefore, cannot be accommodated in the logic of liberal economics. Thus, using the dictionary definition of mad —erratic, unpredictable, irrational behaviour, damaging not only to sufferers but also to others— we have, as she puts it "mad money".
"The difference between selling a vote and selling access is a matter of degree, not kind. And selling access is not qualitatively different from giving special preference to those who spent money on one's behalf."Supreme Court Justice John-Paul Stevens, author of dissenting opinion on Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission."By definition, an independent expenditure is political speech presented to the electorate that is not coordinated with a candidate."Supreme Justice Anthony M. Kennedy, writing for the majority, Citizens v Federal Election CommissionThe 2010 midterm elections cost a total of $4 billion dollars, including federal campaign spending by candidates and political parties raised in the two-year cycle 2008-2010, and funding by independent groups. Although the Democratic Party committees raised more money than the Republican Party, Conservative-leaning independent groups outspent Democratic-leaning group two to one. The US Chamber of Commerce, American Action Network, American Crossroads and Crossroads GPS, four "shadow GOP" groups, top the chart of independent donor groups, with two Democratic-leaning federal employee unions coming in a distant fifth and sixth, according to data reported by Opensecrets.org. The Supreme Court decision Citizens v. Federal Electoral Commission of January 2010 changed the law to allow corporations and unions to spend unlimited amounts of money on behalf of or against political candidates. If they choose to do so directly, they must report their expenditures and reveal their donors. Unions regularly report their donations to the Department of Labor and the FEC. However, corporations are loath to reveal their donors, so they take an easier and more enticing alternative made possible by the same ruling, which lifted an earlier ban that prohibited them to give money to nonprofit organizations. Referred to as501c organizations, these are groups that finance advocacy advertisements (also known as "issue ads" or "electioneering communications") and are not required by law to reveal their donors. Needless to say, an array of these new non-profits suddenly exploded into the political landscape and propped up the campaigns of the Tea Party newcomers and other Republican candidates who, oh so ironically, want to "change Washington from the inside." They were very successful in winning House races, but much less so in the Senate.In American politics, there are three main sources of campaign financing: money spent by the candidates themselves (form their own fund-raising or personal wealth), money spent by the party campaign committees on behalf of the party candidates, and money invested by outside groups who in general fund "issue ads" attacking or defending a candidate's record on issues but not explicitly soliciting the vote. In deciding by a 5-4 vote that corporations have the right to spend unlimited amounts of money for and against candidates, the Supreme Court transformed the electoral landscape in a way potentially more profound than it can be fathomed today. As many predicted, the Citizens United ruling unleashed the greatest wave of corporate spending in history, though it is probably safe to say that their spending in 2012 will make this year's outlay look modest. Although Democratic candidates raised more money and had a 60% spending advantage at the outset of the campaign, the new "GOP shadow" groups created outside the party overpowered them with their large, unrestricted donations. For example, American Crossroads and American Crossroads GPS, two organizations set up by political wonk Karl Rove spent at least $75 million on key House races. And although Labor unions in some cases matched that number in support of Democrats, the main difference lies in the fact that Labor unions do it openly, while the other "non-profit', "advocacy" groups operate anonymously. By law, they do not have to disclose their donors to the Federal Election Commission. Although it is true that most money is candidate- driven or party- driven and is therefore regulated, the rest, so called "soft money" that doesn't go directly to a candidate's campaign is now completely unregulated. As the tide turned decisively against the Democrats in the last two weeks before the election, Obama took aim at the anonymous flood of money by outside groups on behalf of Republican candidates, saying that it corrupts the process and provides an unfair advantage to their opponents. Along that same line of thought, many Democrats have claimed that the big winners of the election were not Tea Partiers and the GOP, but Big Oil, pharmaceutical corporations and insurance companies who have the most to lose from the President's reform agenda. Republicans prevailed in 75% of the House races in which they spent more than Democrats. But they were not so fortunate in the Senate, where the money impact was less or in some instances, even backfired.Money alone cannot sway an election, of course. But anonymous money can be much more effective in creating political furors over false information, for which there is no responsibility and little deniability, since the source is unknown. This is why revealing the source is important for the integrity of the democratic process. People need to know whose interests the newly-elected Congress will be representing. The huge number and clout of these undisclosed campaign financiers is arguably the most antithetical trait of a government of the people, by the people, for the people. Even more so in a year of populist anti-incumbent mood and new blood coming to Washington directly from the grassroots, to do away with appropriations, deny access to interest groups and balance the budget based on the best interests of, who else, but the American people?Indeed, to add plausibility to the above argument, money appeared to be much less effective when voters knew where it came from. A case in point is that of the self-funded millionaire candidates. Republican candidate Meg Whitman, former eBay CEO running for governor of California, spent $ 140 million of her own money (the most expensive race of all times and at all levels) and lost to District Attorney Jerry Brown (a former Democratic governor was has beaten two gubernatorial records in his lifetime, being the youngest governor when he was first elected in 1974 and the oldest one today). Similarly, Republican Linda McMahon, former CEO of the World Wrestling Federation, who was running for a Senate seat in Connecticut, also lost in spite of having spent 46 million of her own money. And the list goes on and on, with few exceptions. Of the 32 candidates who spent more than a million of their own money in a federal race, only 4 won.But this election is not only important for the obvious reasons, namely, that it may deny President Obama a second term and give a free hand for Republicans to repeal everything the White House has accomplished in these two years. There is another less conspicuous but not less relevant issue at stake. At the same time as they were voting for Congress representatives and some Senate seats, Americans in several states were also electing new governors and new state legislators. Republicans won 11 state governorships and seized 18 state legislatures that were previously in Democratic hands. These newly elected Republican state legislatures and governors will have the power of re-districting, that is, of re-drawing new political district boundaries of about 200 House districts in 2011. This is an opportunity that comes on the year after a federal Census, which is held every ten years, and that each party covets, since it enables the incumbent party to reshape the political landscape at the national level for a generation. Redistricting (or its corrupted form, "gerrymandering") is an obvious vice of the "Winner Takes All" electoral system and one that not many are interesting in reforming, since both parties take advantage of it when in power. In sum, the huge amounts of money strategically invested in this 2010 mid-term election delivered a Republican tsunami that affected all levels of government, put the next re-districting cycle safely in Republican hands and rebuilt party capacity for the near future. In the meantime, on Sunday night all pundits' eyes were on Sarah Palin's new reality show on The Learning Channel, "Sarah Palin's Alaska", where she goes hunting and fishing with her family and makes intriguing, but no doubt, very deep remarks about " Mamma Grizzly" and her protective instincts, as bear cubs pounce around in the creek to catch their salmon. She also quips about building a 14-foot fence to prevent her nosy neighbor from intruding into her life and cleverly draws a parallel between her fence and "how to secure our borders". Ready to fall asleep, I suddenly startled myself with the thought that this was the first broadcast episode of a presidential primary already underway.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
The article is devoted to the specific topic of the study of the concept, essence, types and meaning of the crime underlying money laundering. Special attention is paid to the topical issues of judicial review under Article 209 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine on legalization (laundering) of criminally obtained property. The authors use general, intersectoral and special (sectoral) methods. The analysis of the judicial practice of Ukrainian courts, carried out by the authors, allows to state that the majority of cases of demanding criminal liability for money laundering occur either in case of existence of a conviction for an underlying offense or with simultaneous prosecution for both an underlying offense and money laundering. It is concluded that, the study of best practices in several countries gives grounds to suggest the possibility of prosecuting asset laundering as a separate criminal offense. Under such conditions, there will be no need to prosecute an underlying offense, especially if it is impossible to prove guilt for its commission.
In this study, I link key debates about the regulation of human fertility and population control to considerations about women's reproductive rights. First, a brief discussion of old rivalries between Thomas Robert Malthus and Karl Marx introduces the deeply political nature of considerations about human reproduction.Next, I move from the 18th and 19th centuries to the 20th century, and show that we find Marx and Malthus dressed in new clothes by political rivals who applied old competitions to new political conflicts.I focus on the post WW II period, when new debates about population and human reproduction were accompanied by new global paradigms of human rights –and argue that a twentieth century practice of rights was compromised by competitions between politics of left and right– set in the Cold War. Drawing on histories of medical doctors and population planners who were active in Europe and the Americas, I focus on the case study of family planning and reproductive rights in Chile to show the ill-effects that Cold War competitions –the political dichotomies of left and right– had on the politics of health and reproductive rights. ; En este estudio enlazo debates sobre la regulación de la fertilidad humana y el control de la población con las consideraciones sobre los derechos reproductivos de la mujer. Primero, una breve discusión de antiguas rivalidades entre Thomas Robert Malthus y Karl Marx introduce el carácter profundamente político de las consideraciones sobre reproducción humana. A continuación me traslado al siglo XX y muestro que ahora reencontramos a Marx y a Malthus vestidos en ropa nueva por rivales políticos que aplicaron antiguas rivalidades a nuevos conflictos políticos. Me concentro en el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, cuando los nuevos debates sobre población y derechos reproductivos estaban acompañados por los nuevos paradigmas globales de los derechos humanos –y argumento que la práctica de los derechos estaba comprometida por los enfrentamientos entre políticos de ...
The purpose of the article is to focus on the need to strengthen the interaction of the law enforcement agencies of various states, highlighting the role of financial institutions in this process, to find optimal ways to improve international cooperation. The study is based on the methods of systemic and critical analysis, as well as a formal logical method. The article confirms that the need to strengthen international cooperation is explained by the existence of certain factors that determine the possibility of money laundering. It has been established that without adequate cooperation between law enforcement agencies and financial institutions at the national level, it is quite difficult to detect crime and prevent money laundering at the initial stage. As a conclusion of the investigation, it is proposed to develop a methodology for the interaction of the law enforcement agencies of several states to counteract money laundering. The results obtained can also become the basis for developing legislative proposals to improve international cooperation in law enforcement and, at the same time, they can be used to increase the efficiency of their anti-money laundering activities.
Money laundering is the most commonly occurring form of financial crime -- This has been facilitated by the presence of diverse technology that has made money laundering easier -- Globally, money laundering is a major concern since it is linked to terrorist financing and corruption of the financial systems -- In response, the international community has strengthened the AML/CFT structures following the terrorist act in the Unites States in September 2011 -- The thesis presents an analysis of the AML regulations and the challenges that national governments and the international community face when combating money laundering -- The main research question is: Is the current international anti-money laundering regime sufficiently robust to effectively control and limit the phenomenon of international money laundering? -- This report explains the negative effects of money laundering to the economies of countries, the international trend-setters of the AML regulations and the challenges faced during the implementation of AML policies -- After properly studying the literature, there seems to be major challenge during the implementation of the AML regulations making money laundering a pressing issue in both developing and developed countries -- To facilitate the implementation of AML framework, nations should create a framework for exchange of information -- As much as it's a challenge, there is need for evaluation of the effectiveness of the AML structure particularly due to the changes providing new techniques for money laundering
Using the documentary research methodology, the aim of the article was to study Iran's criminal policy towards money laundering in its banking system. A number of measures have been taken in the Iranian legal system to combat money-laundering, the most important of which is the adoption of the anti-money-laundering law in 2007 and its executive regulations in 2009. With the enactment of this law, the crime of money laundering officially entered the Iranian legal system with its own special and independent title. By way of conclusion, it is evident that various governmental and judicial institutions have made the fight against money-laundering one of their main objectives and tasks. Meanwhile, the role of the National Audit Office has also been prominent, and it has made numerous efforts, both nationally and internationally, to identify cases of money laundering, eliminate money laundering and ultimately combat it effectively and efficiently.
La felicidad resulta importante no solo a nivel individual sino a nivel social. Es la meta deseable de todas las sociedades, ya que las sociedades consideradas "buenas" son aquellas que ofrecen el mayor grado de bienestar para la mayor cantidad de sus ciudadanos. Uno de los problemas fue identificar los caminos por los cuales los políticos podían incrementar la felicidad de los ciudadanos. Las teorías clásicas consideraron que los ingresos económicos eran el gold estándard de una sociedad feliz. Diferentes estudios sobre la relación entre felicidad e ingresos económicos demostraron que un aumento del nivel económico no siempre se corresponde con el nivel de bienestar de sus ciudadanos. La percepción subjetiva de bienestar de los miembros de una sociedad puede considerarse un indicador de la marcha de las políticas públicas de una nación, las cuales tradicionalmente se han basado en indicadores objetivos de corte económico. ; Happiness is important not only at the individual level but also socially. It is a desirable goal of all societies, since those considered "good" are the ones that offer the greatest good for the greatest number of citizens. One problem was to identify the ways in which politicians could increase people's happiness. ; Fil: Castro Solano, Alejandro. Universidad de Palermo; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina ; Fil: Tonon, Graciela Haydee. Universidad de Palermo; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Lomas de Zamora; Argentina
El presente trabajo propone una lectura de la ficción del escritor mexicanoperuano Mario Bellatin desde una perspectiva materialista basada en el modo en que autor y obra se sitúan en el campo/mercado de la literatura latinoamericana del siglo xxi. De esta manera, nuestra hipótesis se fundamenta en el análisis de la función del no-dinero y de la idea de no-literatura como claves interpretativas de su poética, centrándonos en uno de los libros más significativos a este respecto, apenas abordado en el campo de la crítica: El hombre dinero (2013). La primera parte de nuestro ensayo aborda la "política de publicación" del autor, los modos de producción y la circulación de sus obras. En la segunda parte, nos enfocamos en la dilucidación de lo que llamamos la "poética del no-dinero" de Mario Bellatin, a través de la forma en que se relacionan literatura y economía en sus textos. ; This paper proposes a reading of the fiction of the Mexican-Peruvian writer Mario Bellatin from a materialist perspective based on the way in which author and work are situated in the field/market of 21st century Latin American literature. In this way, we will carry out an analysis of the function of non-money and the idea of non-literature as interpretative keys to his poetics, focusing on one of the most significant books in this respect, scarcely addressed in the field of criticism: El hombre dinero (2013). The first part of our essay deals with the author's "politics of publishing", the modes of production and the circulation of his works. In the second part, we focus on the elucidation of what we call Mario Bellatin's "poetics of non-money", through the way in which literature and economics are related in his texts.
El presente trabajo propone una lectura de la ficción del escritor mexicano-peruano Mario Bellatin desde una perspectiva materialista basada en el modo en que autor y obra se sitúan en el campo/mercado de la literatura latinoamericana del siglo XXI. De esta manera, nuestra hipótesis se fundamenta en el análisis de la función del no-dinero y de la idea de no-literatura como claves interpretativas de su poética, centrándonos en uno de los libros más significativos a este respecto, apenas abordado en el campo de la crítica: "El hombre dinero" (2013). La primera parte de nuestro ensayo aborda la "política de publicación" del autor, los modos de producción y la circulación de sus obras. En la segunda parte, nos enfocamos en la dilucidación de lo que llamamos la "poética del no-dinero" de Mario Bellatin, a través de la forma en que se relacionan literatura y economía en sus textos. ; This paper proposes a reading of the fiction of the Mexican-Peruvian writer Mario Bellatin from a materialist perspective based on the way in which author and work are situated in the field/market of 21st century Latin American literature. In this way, we will carry out an analysis of the function of non-money and the idea of non-literature as interpretative keys to his poetics, focusing on one of the most significant books in this respect, scarcely addressed in the field of criticism: "El hombre dinero" (2013). The first part of our essay deals with the author's "politics of publishing", the modes of production and the circulation of his works. In the second part, we focus on the elucidation of what we call Mario Bellatin's "poetics of non-money", through the way in which literature and economics are related in his texts.
Presenta la sistematización de los resultados de investigaciones realizadas en Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras y Nicaragua, los cuales han sido insumo para el análisis y formulación de recomendaciones para abatir el lavado de dinero desde un enfoque regional. El primer capítulo esboza un marco conceptual en el que se revisa la definición, las etapas que conlleva, las formas que se utilizan para la legitimación de capitales, los delitos predecesores al lavado de dinero, así como convenciones y declaraciones que en el plano internacional han desarrollado herramientas y procedimientos para su combate. Un segundo capítulo hace reconocimiento a los esfuerzos de los países centroamericanos por actualizar su legislación interna, respondiendo a los compromisos asumidos al ratificar convenciones internacionales sobre Prevención del Lavado de Dinero y contra Financiamiento del Terrorismo (PLD/CFT), aunque también se muestran ejemplos que evidencian la disparidad respecto al alcance jurídico de su persecución penal. Este capítulo también muestra las dificultades que enfrenta, por su inexistencia o debilidad, la institucionalidad pública necesaria para investigar y perseguir los delitos, en el nivel nacional, y hacer la investigación e intercambio de información financiera, en el nivel regional. En especial destaca este capítulo al referirse a los efectos que el lavado de dinero produce en la región, en términos de pobreza, lento desarrollo, corrupción, ingobernabilidad, distorsión del mercado. Hacia la implementación de acciones para abatir el lavado de dinero es el título del tercer capítulo que formula propuestas de acción que incluyen el diseño de una estrategia regional contra el blanqueo de capitales, así como otras acciones puntuales para contribuir al abatimiento del lavado de dinero en Centroamérica, agrupadas en tres áreas estratégicas: a) prevención y detección; b) investigación, y c) juzgamiento. Adicionalmente se sugiere accionar en términos de fortalecer los sistemas electorales y de partidos políticos y políticas de transparencia y probidad en la gestión pública. El cuarto capítulo señala conclusiones y recomendaciones, entre otras, orientadas a reafirmar la asociación que tiene el lavado de dinero con problemas de corrupción e impunidad en los Estados centroamericanos, afectando la convivencia democrática en un Estado de Derecho, así como su gobernabilidad y los índices de inseguridad. Finalmente, presenta en la sección de anexos un listado de normas y disposiciones que se ha desarrollado en cada país para combatir el lavado de dinero y otros activos.
Editorial ; Aguilera, Oscar ; Presentación: ; Fermentum 40 y Humanic 2004 ; Aguilera, Oscar ; Explorando la ciudad ; Exploring the city ; Hernández de Padrón, María Inés ; El reconocimiento del otro como base del discurso democrático ; (o de la alteridad en el pensamiento de Fernando Mires) ; The other's recognition as the foundation of democratic discourse (or from the altherness in Fernando Mire's thought) ; Pino de Casanova, Malin ; Acompasamiento o rítmica social ; Rhythmicity or social rhythmic ; Morales, Nelson ; Proyecto de vida: Tiempo y espacio en las representaciones de habitantes del páramo de Mucuchíes (preámbulo de una investigación en curso) ; Life project: Time and space in the representations of mucuchíes paramo inhabitants (preamble of a research in progress) ; Pargas, Luz ; El dinero y los impuestos - Casos y cuadros ; Money and taxes - cases and pictures ; Méndez Peña, María ; ¿Vigencia o inexistencia de los valores? En la era de la globalización ; Prevailing or nonexistence of values in the globalization era ; Silva, Alejandrina ; La institucionalización de la ciencia en Venezuela. El caso de la Universidad de Los Andes (ULA), Mérida, s. XX ; Science institutionalization in Venezuela the case of los Andes university (ULA), Mérida, Venezuela, 20th century ; Pulido M., Nelson; Aguilera, Oscar ; Indice acumulado ; 323-370 ; marmend@ula.ve,humanic_ula@hotmail.com ; trimestral ; Nivel analítico
Presenta la sistematización de los resultados de investigaciones realizadas en Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras y Nicaragua, los cuales han sido insumo para el análisis y formulación de recomendaciones para abatir el lavado de dinero desde un enfoque regional. El primer capítulo esboza un marco conceptual en el que se revisa la definición, las etapas que conlleva, las formas que se utilizan para la legitimación de capitales, los delitos predecesores al lavado de dinero, así como convenciones y declaraciones que en el plano internacional han desarrollado herramientas y procedimientos para su combate. Un segundo capítulo hace reconocimiento a los esfuerzos de los países centroamericanos por actualizar su legislación interna, respondiendo a los compromisos asumidos al ratificar convenciones internacionales sobre Prevención del Lavado de Dinero y contra Financiamiento del Terrorismo (PLD/CFT), aunque también se muestran ejemplos que evidencian la disparidad respecto al alcance jurídico de su persecución penal. Este capítulo también muestra las dificultades que enfrenta, por su inexistencia o debilidad, la institucionalidad pública necesaria para investigar y perseguir los delitos, en el nivel nacional, y hacer la investigación e intercambio de información financiera, en el nivel regional. En especial destaca este capítulo al referirse a los efectos que el lavado de dinero produce en la región, en términos de pobreza, lento desarrollo, corrupción, ingobernabilidad, distorsión del mercado. Hacia la implementación de acciones para abatir el lavado de dinero es el título del tercer capítulo que formula propuestas de acción que incluyen el diseño de una estrategia regional contra el blanqueo de capitales, así como otras acciones puntuales para contribuir al abatimiento del lavado de dinero en Centroamérica, agrupadas en tres áreas estratégicas: a) prevención y detección; b) investigación, y c) juzgamiento. Adicionalmente se sugiere accionar en términos de fortalecer los sistemas electorales y de partidos políticos y políticas de transparencia y probidad en la gestión pública. El cuarto capítulo señala conclusiones y recomendaciones, entre otras, orientadas a reafirmar la asociación que tiene el lavado de dinero con problemas de corrupción e impunidad en los Estados centroamericanos, afectando la convivencia democrática en un Estado de Derecho, así como su gobernabilidad y los índices de inseguridad. Finalmente, presenta en la sección de anexos un listado de normas y disposiciones que se ha desarrollado en cada país para combatir el lavado de dinero y otros activos.
Este trabajo contrasta las bases de la economía monetaria metalista con los fundamentos monetarios institucionalistas del cartalismo. Impugna la concepción del dinero que permea las doctrinas económicas y políticas contemporáneas, y propone una concepción más ajustada a la realidad y a la evidencia histórica, en la que el dinero impulsa a las variables reales. Resalta la naturaleza del dinero-crédito moderno como unidad de cuenta, cuya transferibilidad incorpora al Estado como deudor. Concluye que una concepción moderna da a la autoridad monetaria herramientas de política útiles y concretas para afrontar los problemas de pleno empleo y estabilidad de precios que sacuden a las sociedades actuales. ; In this paper the bases of monetary metalism are confronted with the institutionalist monetary fundaments of chartalism. Initially, an attempt is made to unmask the erroneous conception of money that still permeates economic and political doctrines in contemporary societies, in order to propose instead a new conception of money. This would be more adjusted to reality and historical evidence where it acts as a driving force for the development of the real variables. In this context, the nature of modern credit money is highlighted as a unit of account whose transferability incorporates the State as debtor. In this sense, it is concluded that a modern conception of money gives the monetary authority useful and concrete economic policy tools to deal with the problems of full employment and price stability that shake societies of today. ; peerReviewed
