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This paper discusses the relationship between moral philosophy and political philosophy. It holds that political philosophy in some way is part of moral philosophy as the former deals with the content of moral standards governing the relations between individuals and institutions. That would be the purpose of the "morality of institutions", while the so-called "individual morality" would inform the standards applicable to individuals. On the basis of a conception of individual morality as it relates to contractualism and a discussion of the morality of institutions that closely follows John Rawls' theory of justice, the paper addresses the question of the foundations of the obligation to comply with institution- defined standards that are directed towards individuals. At the end, it focuses in particular on the difficulty of rationalizing that obligation in the case of unjust institutions.

I'm afraid this blog post focuses on something that might appear esoteric to most of us: the nexus between economics and our moral compass. This has come up in several presentations I've had the good fortune to attend and is something that people seem to be paying more attention to than usual given a desire to reimagine a "new normal" – or in government parlance to "build back better".

This dissertation analyzes a cause of action created by the Colombian constitutional reform of 1991: administrative morality. This cause of action was created with the purpose of facilitating citizen engagement in governmental administration by allowing ordinary people to file a lawsuit to challenge governmental corruption. This constitutional reform fostered high hopes of law-inspired social change. The Constitution of 1991 did not define administrative morality and there has been no study of its meaning or effect. This dissertation addresses two questions: what is administrative morality? And what has been the impact of this cause of action on governmental administration? Drawing on governmental and legislative documents, court cases, journalistic articles, and interviews with key actors, the dissertation demonstrates that administrative morality has only partially met its framers' aspirations. The Colombian legislature adopted enabling legislation that provided a financial incentive to file lawsuits on administrative morality but then revised the law to reduce this incentive. The Colombian Council of State (the supreme court for administrative matters) has generally ruled against plaintiffs and with governmental defendants. Key agencies of public administration have developed no common interpretation of administrative morality and do not provide policy guidance, training, or oversight in order to comply with the norm. Media coverage initially fostered hope that the new norm would bring significant reforms, but as time passed the media have become less hopeful. Still, the dissertation also suggests that administrative morality has encouraged people to develop higher expectations of governmental performance.

The paper addresses two issues. First, economics has evolved both as a positive science and, from moral philosophy, also as a normative discipline. Advancing the public good requires that public policy walk on both these legs. Second, the criticism has been forcefully made that markets undermine morality. This contention is refuted in several ways.

The medical help is considered to be full when medical staff not only use medical and diagnostic technology properly, but also follow the ethical rules. The research showed questionnaire to be a good method of diagnostic for both medical staff ethical potential and the individual employee's one. The scale for assessing group ethical preferences is considered to be effective also. The data resulted in a high level of ethical values and behaviour for only every eleventh respondent include. The majority of respondents, more than two-thirds, showed an average level and one of five - showed a low ethical level, mainly due to the low ethics of males. The ethical learning is an urgent and indispensable task of the medical environment in public professional organizations. The ethical trainings for different social groups (as males, females doctors and the medical staff) should be distinctively different in content and occurred in each medical organisation annually. The medical ethics has become a professional competence factor of medical staff and it should be taken care of, both the public and administrators, heads of medical institutions at all levels of government.

The medical help is considered to be full when medical staff not only use medical and diagnostic technology properly, but also follow the ethical rules. The research showed questionnaire to be a good method of diagnostic for both medical staff ethical potential and the individual employee's one. The scale for assessing group ethical preferences is considered to be effective also. The data resulted in a high level of ethical values and behaviour for only every eleventh respondent include. The majority of respondents, more than two-thirds, showed an average level and one of five - showed a low ethical level, mainly due to the low ethics of males. The ethical learning is an urgent and indispensable task of the medical environment in public professional organizations. The ethical trainings for different social groups (as males, females doctors and the medical staff) should be distinctively different in content and occurred in each medical organisation annually. The medical ethics has become a professional competence factor of medical staff and it should be taken care of, both the public and administrators, heads of medical institutions at all levels of government.

The medical help is considered to be full when medical staff not only use medical and diagnostic technology properly, but also follow the ethical rules. The research showed questionnaire to be a good method of diagnostic for both medical staff ethical potential and the individual employee's one. The scale for assessing group ethical preferences is considered to be effective also. The data resulted in a high level of ethical values and behaviour for only every eleventh respondent include. The majority of respondents, more than two-thirds, showed an average level and one of five - showed a low ethical level, mainly due to the low ethics of males. The ethical learning is an urgent and indispensable task of the medical environment in public professional organizations. The ethical trainings for different social groups (as males, females doctors and the medical staff) should be distinctively different in content and occurred in each medical organisation annually. The medical ethics has become a professional competence factor of medical staff and it should be taken care of, both the public and administrators, heads of medical institutions at all levels of government.

In a democratic society, law is an important means to express, manipulate, and enforce moral codes. Demonstrating empirically that law can achieve moral goals is difficult. Nevertheless, public interest groups spend considerable energy and resources to change the law with the goal of changing not only morally-laden behaviors, but also morally-laden cognitions and emotions. Additionally, even when there is little reason to believe that a change in law will lead to changes in behavior or attitudes, groups see the law as a form of moral capital that they wish to own, to make a statement about society. Examples include gay sodomy laws, abortion laws, and Prohibition. In this Chapter, we explore the possible mechanisms by which law can influence attitudes and behavior. To this end, we consider informational and group influence of law on attitudes, as well as the effects of salience, coordination, and social meaning on behavior, and the behavioral backlash that can result from a mismatch between law and community attitudes. Finally, we describe two lines of psychological research—symbolic politics and group identity— that can help explain how people use the law, or the legal system, to effect expressive goals.

One of the abiding concerns of the philosophy of law has been to establish the relationship between law and morality. Within the criminal law, this concern often takes the form of debates over legal moralism--that is, "the position that immorality is sufficient for criminalization" (Alexander 2003: 131). This paper approaches these debates from the perspective of the recently revived republican tradition in politics and law. Contrary to what is usually taken to be liberalism's hostility to legal moralism, and especially to attempts to promote virtue through the criminal law, the republican approach takes the promotion of virtue to be one of the necessary aims of a polity. The virtue in question, however, is a specifically civic virtue, and calling for its promotion does not entail that the criminal law should be a straightforward reflection of the conventional morality of a society. What republicanism offers, instead, is a form of legal moralism resting on a distinctively civic morality that lays particular stress on such virtues as fair play and tolerance.

This book takes a unique approach to explore the moral foundations of nationalism. Drawing on nationalist writings and examining almost 200 years of nationalism in Ireland and Quebec, the author develops a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. The study of nationalism has tended towards the construction of dichotomies – arguing, for example, that there are political and cultural, or civic and ethnic, versions of the phenomenon. However, as an object of moral scrutiny this bifurcation makes nationalism difficult to work with. The author draws on primary sources to see how nationalists themselves argued for their cause and examines almost two hundred years of nationalism in two well-known cases, Ireland and Quebec. The author identifies which themes, if any, are common across the various forms that nationalism can take and then goes on to develop a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. This representation-based approach provides both a basis for the moral claim of nationalism while at the same time identifying grounds on which this claim can be evaluated and limited. It will be of strong interest to political theorists, especially those working on nationalism, multiculturalism and minority rights. The special focus in the book on the Irish and Quebec cases also makes it relevant reading for specialists in these fields as well as for other area studies where nationalism is an issue.

On November 26, 2021, Dr. Rita Floyd, Associate Professor at the University of Birmingham, presented on The Morality of Security at the 2021 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. Dr. Floyd's presentation focused on securitization and its emergence within politics, with some primary concepts centering around security threats being politically and socially constructed and the criteria for when securitization is morally justifiable. Dr. Floyd's presentation was followed by a question-and-answer period directed at a group of panelists allowing the audience and CASIS Vancouver executives to directly engage with the content of each speaker's presentation.

The motivation behind attempting suicide ranges from egoistic to altruistic, with societal preconceptions varying significantly between the two. In this ethical review, moralist, relativist, and libertarian theories are utilized to explore the morality of suicide. The hedonistic act utilitarian theory, which assesses the righteousness of an action solely based on the amount of pleasure or displeasure it creates, is used to evaluate the morality of suicide. According to the beneficence principle, there is sometimes a moral justification for suicide to alleviate suffering. On the other hand, Mill's rule utilitarianism views actions by their effect on overall human happiness and directs us to perform actions that maximize utility. For some individuals, like those undergoing immense suffering, the right to painless suicide would maximize utility. Kantian theory focuses on an individual's duty to uphold honour, dignity, and rationality. Collectively, these three virtues set the foundation of Kantian deontology. Furthermore, the libertarian view emphasizes the inherent right of human beings to individual security, liberty, and property with minimum government intervention. Libertarians recognize that suicide can be a rational and reasonable response to intolerable suffering. The ethical theories have proven to be interdependent; together, they propel us toward a better understanding of the morality of suicide.

Many lawyers, both inside and outside the law schools, suffer from insecurity about our discipline. Instead of thinking of ourselves as the curators of a grand tradition in Western thought, many of us think of the law as a collection of doctrinal formulas and rules imposed on us by legislatures and the highest courts. We are always looking elsewhere to find a source of wisdom that will give the law coherence and meaning. At various times in this century we have looked to sociology, anthropology, psychoanalysis and, of course, economics in an effort to ground our ideas in firmer soil. All of this transplanting from other disciplines has been carried out in the name of "inter-disciplinary studies." But the studies in fact have never been inter-disciplinary. We have sought to learn from others, but we have never assumed that the law had much to offer our colleagues in neighboring disciplines. However much we had to teach psychoanalysts about crime and punishment, we have not insisted on it. We apply economic analysis in the law, but the economists have not been influenced the slightest by legal thought. Legal thought is at the service of the smartest outside bidder, or at least we have come to think. This general, self-abnegating assumption about the intrinsic value of legal studies is shared by everyone from the economists to the various wings of Critical Legal Studies. The most common assumption of all, which is the most nourishing influence for law, is found in morality. If law is rooted in morality, it will flourish; if it comes disengaged from the nurturing source, it will wither into a hulk of arbitrary rules. This is the bias, more widely held than I would like to think, that moves me to write.

This article details the development of "Vegandale", a corporate-vegan retail project within the borders of the traditionally marginalized Toronto neighbourhood of Parkdale. This retail development has set out on a spatial discursive branding takeover of the neighbourhood, with the goal of changing the space—and the wider features of capitalism—through decontextualized consumption practices. This paper seeks to understand the social space and discursive consequences of this incursion of "ethical entrepreneurialism" into a marginalized but gentrifying neighbourhood. Ultimately, this paper will show the imaginary of post-speciesism and moralistic consumption masks the structural realities of capitalism and invisibilizes humans in its exploitative social relations, rendering its project as just another aspect of actually-existing neoliberalism in the gentrifying creative city of Toronto. ; Cet article analyse le phénomène du"Vegandale", un projet de développement de commerces végétaliens au sein d'un quartier défavorisé de Toronto nommé Parkdale. Ce développement promeut une redéfinition de l'image de marque du quartier dans le but d'en redéfinir l'espace et les pratiques légitimes, notamment par de nouveaux rapportsau capitalisme et des pratiques de consommation décontextualisées. Cet article cherche à comprendre l'espace social et les conséquences discursives de cette incursion de «l'entrepreneuriat éthique» dans un quartier marginalisé mais embourgeoisé. Finalement, cet article montrera comment l'imaginaire du post-spécisme et de la consommationmoraliste tend à masquer les relations sociales d'exploitation inhérentes aux contraintes structurelles du capitalisme, faisant de Vegandale un avatar parmi d'autres de la gentrification néolibérale de la ville de Toronto.

An actor perspective within a moralistic approach to corruption in india and Southeast Asia contrasts to a (Weberian) institutional one. This emphasizes local values which help explain apparent lack of social constraints to everyday corrupt practices as bribery. In Karnataka the approach indicates that status and power within one's own community gained by amassing wealth however acquired overrides morality; overstepping moral taboos can easily be rectified through an appropriate ritual. In post-coup Thailand morality is defined by emulation of King Bhumibul Aduilyadej. At present it is almost the sole criterion for political power, rejection of which is seen as immoral and hence punishable. Like Thailand, Indonesia lacks cultural possibilities of converting wealth to status and power. Those who cannot become a part of the bribetakers must endure as bribe payers. The remedy to corruption is purely institutional, i.e., an anti-corruption commission with wide ranging powers but with little noticeable effect.