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Master thesis analyses the objectives that influence U.S. climate policy and its decisions to participate in multilateral agreements on climate change. The objective is to determine the differences between climate change policy framing in rethoric of U.S. presidents: George Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump, when talking about international multilateral agreements. Also, to determine whether the framing reflects the factual objectives that influence national climate policy. The research problem is to find out how U.S. presidents – G. Bush, B. Obama and D. Trump – frame their own decision of (non)participation in cases of Kyoto Protocol and Paris Accord in order to legitimize political decisions. Master thesis seeks to prove that factual objectives that influence U.S. climate policy do not change or change slowly and gradually. Therefore, cardinally different climate policy pivots – (non)participation in Kyoto Protocol, leadership in Paris Accord and withdrawal from Paris Accord can only be explained by discourse and framing. U.S. climate policy drivers are liberal market economy, presidential system, dependency on carbon energy and growing population. These factors mostly reflect in president D. Trump's discourse. By theory, these climate policy drivers prevent U.S. from implementing strict environmental regulations. Therefore, the only way to reach Paris objectives is to invest in energy efficiency and clean energy. B. Obama's discourse analysis shows that this path is the most convenient for the States. However, in the conclusions the idea is formulated that multi-track approach recommended by the theory, in reality becomes an object of political manipulation, especially with powerful countries like U.S. The decision made by president D. Trump to withdraw U. S. from Paris Accord is an example of that. President's discourse analysis proves it.

Master thesis analyses the objectives that influence U.S. climate policy and its decisions to participate in multilateral agreements on climate change. The objective is to determine the differences between climate change policy framing in rethoric of U.S. presidents: George Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump, when talking about international multilateral agreements. Also, to determine whether the framing reflects the factual objectives that influence national climate policy. The research problem is to find out how U.S. presidents – G. Bush, B. Obama and D. Trump – frame their own decision of (non)participation in cases of Kyoto Protocol and Paris Accord in order to legitimize political decisions. Master thesis seeks to prove that factual objectives that influence U.S. climate policy do not change or change slowly and gradually. Therefore, cardinally different climate policy pivots – (non)participation in Kyoto Protocol, leadership in Paris Accord and withdrawal from Paris Accord can only be explained by discourse and framing. U.S. climate policy drivers are liberal market economy, presidential system, dependency on carbon energy and growing population. These factors mostly reflect in president D. Trump's discourse. By theory, these climate policy drivers prevent U.S. from implementing strict environmental regulations. Therefore, the only way to reach Paris objectives is to invest in energy efficiency and clean energy. B. Obama's discourse analysis shows that this path is the most convenient for the States. However, in the conclusions the idea is formulated that multi-track approach recommended by the theory, in reality becomes an object of political manipulation, especially with powerful countries like U.S. The decision made by president D. Trump to withdraw U. S. from Paris Accord is an example of that. President's discourse analysis proves it.

Master thesis analyses the objectives that influence U.S. climate policy and its decisions to participate in multilateral agreements on climate change. The objective is to determine the differences between climate change policy framing in rethoric of U.S. presidents: George Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump, when talking about international multilateral agreements. Also, to determine whether the framing reflects the factual objectives that influence national climate policy. The research problem is to find out how U.S. presidents – G. Bush, B. Obama and D. Trump – frame their own decision of (non)participation in cases of Kyoto Protocol and Paris Accord in order to legitimize political decisions. Master thesis seeks to prove that factual objectives that influence U.S. climate policy do not change or change slowly and gradually. Therefore, cardinally different climate policy pivots – (non)participation in Kyoto Protocol, leadership in Paris Accord and withdrawal from Paris Accord can only be explained by discourse and framing. U.S. climate policy drivers are liberal market economy, presidential system, dependency on carbon energy and growing population. These factors mostly reflect in president D. Trump's discourse. By theory, these climate policy drivers prevent U.S. from implementing strict environmental regulations. Therefore, the only way to reach Paris objectives is to invest in energy efficiency and clean energy. B. Obama's discourse analysis shows that this path is the most convenient for the States. However, in the conclusions the idea is formulated that multi-track approach recommended by the theory, in reality becomes an object of political manipulation, especially with powerful countries like U.S. The decision made by president D. Trump to withdraw U. S. from Paris Accord is an example of that. President's discourse analysis proves it.

Master thesis analyses the objectives that influence U.S. climate policy and its decisions to participate in multilateral agreements on climate change. The objective is to determine the differences between climate change policy framing in rethoric of U.S. presidents: George Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump, when talking about international multilateral agreements. Also, to determine whether the framing reflects the factual objectives that influence national climate policy. The research problem is to find out how U.S. presidents – G. Bush, B. Obama and D. Trump – frame their own decision of (non)participation in cases of Kyoto Protocol and Paris Accord in order to legitimize political decisions. Master thesis seeks to prove that factual objectives that influence U.S. climate policy do not change or change slowly and gradually. Therefore, cardinally different climate policy pivots – (non)participation in Kyoto Protocol, leadership in Paris Accord and withdrawal from Paris Accord can only be explained by discourse and framing. U.S. climate policy drivers are liberal market economy, presidential system, dependency on carbon energy and growing population. These factors mostly reflect in president D. Trump's discourse. By theory, these climate policy drivers prevent U.S. from implementing strict environmental regulations. Therefore, the only way to reach Paris objectives is to invest in energy efficiency and clean energy. B. Obama's discourse analysis shows that this path is the most convenient for the States. However, in the conclusions the idea is formulated that multi-track approach recommended by the theory, in reality becomes an object of political manipulation, especially with powerful countries like U.S. The decision made by president D. Trump to withdraw U. S. from Paris Accord is an example of that. President's discourse analysis proves it.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

In this final master thesis are analyzing international business evaluation features and suggested the best method to evaluate international business. In the first part of the work are analyzed international business features, highlighting the political and currency fluctuation risks, business evaluation aspects, long established and newly developed business evaluation methods and selected the method which is best suited to evaluate international business. In the second part of the work is analyzed the feasibility of discounted cash flow method to evaluate international business and the steps of the method, highlighting the determination of cash flows, the discount rate calculation, continuous value and cash flow discounting. The focus is on discount rate calculation. In the third part of the work is done the practical business evaluation of Lithuanian company AB "Stumbras" which is working in the international alcohol sphere. In this stage is given the characterization of world, Europe and Lithuanian alcohol drinks sectors. Also there is analyzed the Lithuanian macroeconomics situation. There is performed company competitive and SWOT analyze. Also there is done company's financial analyze (vertical, horizontal and financial ratio analyze), determined the company value and factors which have the greatest impact to business value. Structure: introduction, theoretical part, discounted cash flow feasibility to evaluate the international business analyze, practical international business evaluation following AB "Stumbras" example, conclusions and suggestions, references.

In this final master thesis are analyzing international business evaluation features and suggested the best method to evaluate international business. In the first part of the work are analyzed international business features, highlighting the political and currency fluctuation risks, business evaluation aspects, long established and newly developed business evaluation methods and selected the method which is best suited to evaluate international business. In the second part of the work is analyzed the feasibility of discounted cash flow method to evaluate international business and the steps of the method, highlighting the determination of cash flows, the discount rate calculation, continuous value and cash flow discounting. The focus is on discount rate calculation. In the third part of the work is done the practical business evaluation of Lithuanian company AB "Stumbras" which is working in the international alcohol sphere. In this stage is given the characterization of world, Europe and Lithuanian alcohol drinks sectors. Also there is analyzed the Lithuanian macroeconomics situation. There is performed company competitive and SWOT analyze. Also there is done company's financial analyze (vertical, horizontal and financial ratio analyze), determined the company value and factors which have the greatest impact to business value. Structure: introduction, theoretical part, discounted cash flow feasibility to evaluate the international business analyze, practical international business evaluation following AB "Stumbras" example, conclusions and suggestions, references.

This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.