Suchergebnisse

Prestože se ceská mesta neúcastnila stavovského povstání v letech 1618-1620 tak aktivne jako oba šlechtické stavy, následky bitvy na Bílé hore se v jejich dalším vývoji odrazily prinejmenším stejne velkou merou. Zatímco dvacátá léta byla ve znamení zásahu do jejich vnitrního života ze strany vítezného císare Ferdinanda II. a jeho tábora, následující dve desetiletí byla dobou bezprostredního válecného ohrožení a vytvárení obranných mechanismu vuci nemu. Kniha, kterou držíte v rukou, sleduje vliv konfesijních a politických zápasu první poloviny 17. století na praxi správy ceských mest ve dvou ro

Článek prezentuje výsledky kvalitativního výzkumu realizovaného mezi českými organizacemi nabízejícími programy environmentální výchovy a orgány veřejné správy, které tyto programy finančně podporují. V rámci výzkumu byly řešeny tři základní výzkumné otázky: jaké evaluační strategie organizace používají? Jak tyto strategie souvisí s metodikou realizovaných programů, resp. do jaké míry odpovídají programy hodnocených organizací požadavkům na efektivní environmentální výchovu? Do jaké míry vycházejí orgány veřejné správy při finanční podpoře těchto programů z jejich skutečné efektivity? Výzkum prokázal poměrně malé zastoupení evaluačních strategií přinášejících relevantní informace o efektivitě programu, metodické nedostatky ve většině hodnocených programů a nedostatečnou schopnost orgánů veřejné správy formulovat a vyhodnocovat požadavky na efektivitu podporovaných programů. ; The article presents the results of qualitative research that has been undertaken among Czech environmental education centres, and regional and municipal government institutions providing financial support in this area. Three research questions were discussed: what evaluation strategies are used by the organisations? How are the strategies connected with the methodology of the programmes, or how do the programmes correspond with the standards for effective environmental education? How important is the real effectiveness of the programmes for a local government's decision regarding their financial support? The research proved that few organisations use evaluation strategies that provide relevant information about programme effectiveness, there are methodological weaknesses in the majority of analysed programmes, and local government institutions do not have and do not demand relevant information about the effectiveness of supported programmes.

Systemic corruption is not a failure of individuals, i.e. the result of their deviant behaviour, but a collective phenomenon shared mainly by public institutions as a whole. The phenomenon is based on an effort to establish a new set of corrupt norms inside such institutions affecting policymaking, administrative procedures, public procurements, and the behavior of employees etc. In spite of the fact that impacts of systemic corruption on the areas of government, civil freedoms, social cohesion, and public economy are well known, there is very little practical research involving concrete evidence of systemic corruption in particular cases. This paper attempts to clarify how to generate a set of indicators of systemic corruption and then identify and verify them in a real-life political environment – in our specific case, the administration and policymaking of Liberec City Council between 1998 and 2010. The research was based upon elaborated interviews (with politicians, public servants, prosecuting authorities etc.), document analysis (reports and papers of the city council and municipal government, contracts and invoices etc.), and political and media analysis. The results are significant, as only an understanding of how a corrupt system really works can lead to the implementation of suitable anticorruption measures. ; Systemic corruption is not a failure of individuals, i.e. the result of their deviant behaviour, but a collective phenomenon shared mainly by public institutions as a whole. The phenomenon is based on an effort to establish a new set of corrupt norms inside such institutions affecting policymaking, administrative procedures, public procurements, and the behavior of employees etc. In spite of the fact that impacts of systemic corruption on the areas of government, civil freedoms, social cohesion, and public economy are well known, there is very little practical research involving concrete evidence of systemic corruption in particular cases. This paper attempts to clarify how to generate a set of ...

This paper describes the support of non-parliamentary actors in the local elections in the Czech Republic. The article primarily analyzes the statistical data of the Czech Statistical Office. The term non-parliamentary actor is very general because of different structures of these actors, their divergent goals, & ideological foundations. These actors are not represented in the House of Deputies (lower chamber) of the Czech Parliament. Non-parliamentary actors do not represent a coherent group. The article shows their support in municipalities. They have stable support in many municipalities at the local electoral level. We can consider non-parliamentary actors as parties of a limited regional support: they have strong influence at the municipal level & nearly no influence in the Parliamentary elections. Non-parliamentary actors acquire more than 20% votes in regional centers such as Karlovy Vary, Liberec, Zlin, Olomouc, Hradec Kralove. 5 Tables, 4 Maps, 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

The inadequate representation of women at various levels of politics is a much discussed topic among politicians and the public. Socio-economic, institutional and cultural factors are often perceived as the main reasons which influence the supply and demand sides of political competition. In Czech local politics, the situation seems to be more propitious. The proportion of women in municipal assemblies is significantly higher, which brings us to the question of the influence of traditional barriers to women's decisions to enter politics. On the basis of quantitative research among representatives of municipalities of up to three thousand inhabitants in the Moravian-Silesian Region, we conclude that the defined barriers are present; however, their influence on the decision of women to enter politics is weakening. Adapted from the source document.